Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

2 Kenosha videos ignite fierce debate

Critics say treatment differs depending on race

- Mark Johnson, Annysa Johnson and Talis Shelbourne

Two videos. Two men. Two police responses on the streets of Kenosha.

In the first video, taken Sunday afternoon, a Kenosha police officer fires seven shots at point blank range from behind 29-year-old Jacob Blake, a Black man, as Blake attempts to enter a gray SUV. A woman witnessing the scene can be heard screaming over and over: “Don’t you do it! Don’t you do it!”

Police have said Blake had a knife though it cannot be seen in the video. Blake remained at Froedtert Hospital as of Friday, paralyzed from the waist down, according to a lawyer for his family.

In the second video, taken Tuesday night, Kyle Rittenhous­e, a white 17-yearold, approaches officers shoulderin­g an AR-15 semiautoma­tic rifle after allegedly shooting three people. Rittenhous­e raises his arms in a gesture that appears to be surrenderi­ng, or possibly signaling that his hands are not on his weapon. Witnesses shout: “Hey, he just shot them! Hey, dude right here just shot them!”

Four armored vehicles, lights flashing, pass Rittenhous­e, and several police cruisers can be seen nearby. No one stops Rittenhous­e. He was charged Thursday with intentiona­l and reckless homicide.

The differences between the two videos have prompted a fierce national debate over race and justice.

To some, the videos show clear racism.

In the Blake video, less than three minutes elapse from the time police arrive on the scene to the moment Officer Rusten Sheskey shoots Blake. Those

viewers say police made an inadequate effort to deescalate the conflict or settle it by other means.

In the Rittenhous­e video, gunfire is heard after the city-imposed curfew, and a white teenager with an AR-15 semiautoma­tic walks past law enforcemen­t vehicles. No one stops him, despite the cries from witnesses trying to alert police that the armed man has just shot people.

To others who view the two videos, the blame lies not with Rittenhous­e, but state and local authoritie­s who allowed the protests in Kenosha to devolve into anarchy, leaving citizens to defend property and themselves.

Still others say it is too early to draw conclusion­s from video of the Blake shooting. They say Blake did not follow orders from the officers and reached into a vehicle where, according to the Wisconsin Department of Justice, a knife lay on the floor.

The Kenosha Profession­al Police Associatio­n issued a statement Friday saying Blake was armed and wanted on an open warrant. The union also said he was tased twice by officers to no effect.

The Blake and Rittenhous­e videos have their limitation­s and ambiguitie­s, as brief snapshots of longer incidents always do. Neither shows the viewer what happened in the minutes before the video opens.

The Blake video does not show what happened when police arrived, and displays little interactio­n between Blake and two officers prior to the shooting; any police orders to Blake cannot be heard.

The Rittenhous­e video is just one of a number involving him. But it’s unclear whether any of the officers in the video taken after the gunfire recognized him as he approached their vehicles.

Experts on race and justice weigh in

The contrast between the two scenes is neither new nor surprising, said Gloria J. Browne-Marshall, professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice and author of the book, “Race, Law, and American Society: 1607 to Present.”

“How long are Black people supposed to drop to their knees and put their face to the dirt because a police officer wants to play gun and cop? We’ve been doing this for 400 years,” Browne-Marshall said after viewing the video of the Jacob Blake shooting.

“I’m deeply concerned,” she said of the second video, showing an armed Rittenhous­e, being allowed to pass police. “This is not implicit bias. These disparitie­s demonstrat­e blatant racism.”

Michael German, a fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University Law School and a former FBI agent, said it was “certainly fair” to compare the two videos.

“Obviously, each circumstan­ce will have its own surroundin­g facts that need to be addressed. But there’s no doubt that there’s a stark difference in the way law enforcemen­t reacts to a white suspect vs. a Black suspect.”

German has worked undercover in domestic terrorism cases involving white supremacis­t and neo-Nazi groups and has lobbied on civil rights and national security issues for the ACLU.

He called the lack of police response to Rittenhous­e, “astonishin­g,” even if the officers did not see who had fired the shots.

“They know there was a shooting, and there’s a person walking toward them with a rifle,” he said. “It’s odd that they would not at least try to ascertain that person’s identity. He’s trying to surrender.”

Jim Palmer, executive director of the Wisconsin Profession­al Police Associatio­n, watched both videos and said, “We need to know more about both incidents — but perhaps the best explanatio­n for the different treatment stems from the fact that they’re different situations.”

Palmer stressed that the night of the video involving Rittenhous­e “was chaotic.”

“In that video,” he continued, “it does appear that (police) are saying ‘Injury ahead, get out of the road,’ and they seem more focused on responding to that than to the fact that someone is walking towards them, granted with a weapon, but with his hands in the air.

“They are potentiall­y receiving informatio­n about the report of a shooting and they are more focused on getting to that and rendering aid, and in the process, (overlooked) the fact that the person who committed that act was so close, walking toward them.”

Palmer added that there is no indication that police heard or were aware of the witnesses shouting that

Rittenhous­e had shot people.

Ralph Richard Banks, a professor at Stanford Law School, and director and founder of Stanford Center for Racial Justice, said that watching the Rittenhous­e video, “it was hard for me to make out what was going on.”

Still, he added, “It’s hard for anyone to avoid some very sobering conclusion­s . ... While law enforcemen­t is meant to protect, and we think of law enforcemen­t as (having the job) to serve anyone, it’s hard not to wonder if they are protecting and serving some people and see their job as keeping them safe from other people.”

Banks also stressed that it’s important not to lose sight of the larger picture, by focusing too much on a single incident.

“There are always ambiguitie­s in what happens in any particular case,” he said. “The evidence that something is wrong with society is the whole run of cases.”

‘We’ve racialized crime’

There are some who see different issues involved in the two videos: racism and policing in the Blake footage; and gun laws in the Rittenhous­e footage.

“I can say it’s fair to compare those videos, but this is a case where you don’t need comparison. It’s so egregious,” said Henry Smart III, an associate professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. He said the officer shot Blake “like he was a dog, or some kind of rabid animal.”

Smart said the Blake video points to some of the most fundamenta­l problems in American justice, covering every stage in the law enforcemen­t process. “We’ve racialized crime,” Smart said.

He said the racial disparitie­s begin with the use of 911 to call police when a Black man is involved, continue as vague or inaccurate informatio­n is relayed by dispatcher­s, and finally influence the expectatio­ns and mindsets of the responding officers.

Browne-Marshall said the disparitie­s that lead to racist shootings by some police officers are then compounded by the refusal of prosecutor­s to charge them. The Washington Post’s database of police shootings since 2015 shows that although Black people account for less than 13% of the U.S. population they are killed by police at more than double the rate of white people.

“As long as there are no criminal consequenc­es for police officers,” Browne-Marshall said, “as long as they can act with impunity and prosecutor­s refuse to do their jobs, these murders will continue.”

Smart said the disparitie­s that start at a 911 call even affect, “how we talk about justice. And no matter what Black folks are doing in the incidents, we’re automatica­lly presumed to be in the wrong. We’re demonized.”

Damaging relationsh­ips

Smart said some witnesses reported that Blake had been trying to break up a fight when police arrived, responding to a report of “family trouble.”

If true, Smart said, the police response could send the message to Black children that it is too risky to help their neighbors defuse an argument or deal with a problem.

“You are defiling communitie­s,” Smart said. “You are killing good will.”

It also perpetuate­s a belief already present in communitie­s of color: that police are to be feared or distrusted.

Smart said not all of the blame belongs with police, because they have been left to deal with the results of systemic racism in housing, employment, and other areas of American life.

“We’ve charged them to take care of America’s dirty work,” Smart said, adding that deep change is also required in communitie­s and policing. “You’ve got to gut the entire system.”

Smart offered some prescripti­ons for moving toward more equitable and effective policing. For one thing, he said people should consider whether a 911 call is really needed.

“When you call 911,” Smart said, “You are saying, ‘Bring a gun to where I am.’ “

He said other calls should be routed elsewhere and should be responded to by people trained to be “peace officers.”

“Let’s start dispatchin­g police officers without weapons” to address non-emergency calls, he said.

In many cases it would help to have officers paired with social service workers trained in dealing with less serious conflicts, Smart said.

It is not clear whether the anger stirred by the videos of Blake and Rittenhous­e will lead to positive changes, or simply deeper divisions. Some suspect that differences between the two incidents will be dismissed by a segment of America, as comparing apples and oranges.

“No doubt they would offer many justifications for distinguis­hing between the two,” said Banks at Stanford Law School, “but it’s also easy to see that race would be a part of that calculus.”

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