Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

Who is responsibl­e for the Afghanista­n catastroph­e?

US intelligen­ce warned Biden of potential disaster, say officials

- Josh Meyer and Courtney Subramania­n

WASHINGTON – The blame game in Washington intensified Tuesday as critics – including leaders in Congress – pounced on claims by embattled Biden administra­tion officials that they had no clue a blitzing Taliban would take Afghanista­n so quickly and without a fight.

President Joe Biden has sought to spin the crisis as one that was inevitable, largely out of his control and a developmen­t that took the White House by surprise.

“This did unfold more quickly than we had anticipate­d,” he said in a televised address Monday. “The Afghan military collapsed, sometimes without trying to fight.”

But a wide variety of experts, including some current and former U.S. intelligen­ce and military officials, counter that the White House had ample warnings of just such an impending catastroph­e.

They say an intensive inquiry is needed to find out who knew what and when about the probabilit­y of the crisis now engulfing Kabul, and why Washington appeared to be blindsided by such a swift and total collapse of the Afghan government and security forces.

“This is a policy failure. It was a rushed withdrawal against the advice of the intelligen­ce community and the U.S. military,” said Marc Polymeropo­ulos, who spent 26 years in the CIA, including significant time on the ground in Afghanista­n. “Ultimately, we’re much less safe now as a result.”

One senior staff member on the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee, which oversees the nation’s spies and analysts, confirmed that the U.S.-gathered intelligen­ce flowing in from Afghanista­n was dire.

“There are plenty of questions being raised about what went wrong, and a lot of finger-pointing about who screwed up and whether the intelligen­ce was correct and if it went to the right people,” said the senior committee staff member, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive committee matters. “Because if it did, obviously this was more of a policy failure than an intelligen­ce failure.”

The raft of questions now go far beyond why the Biden administra­tion had to beat such a hasty retreat that it stranded – some say betrayed – legions of loyal Afghan military and civilian allies now at the mercy of Taliban militants. There is also the question of how America could leave behind so many potentiall­y sensitive classified documents and expensive, deadly weapons – including Black Hawk helicopter­s, Humvees and possibly shoulder-fired missiles.

And then there is another big question looming over the latest round of recriminat­ions: Did the CIA and Pentagon simply miss many months worth of apparent efforts by the Taliban to buy off and win over Afghan

civilian and military leaders in what was essentiall­y a bloodless coup? Or did the Biden administra­tion and Congress choose to ignore that intelligen­ce, as well as the clear signs that the Afghan military could not possibly defend its own capital?

“The idea that President Biden, with four decades of experience and multiple trips to Afghanista­n, somehow has faith in the Afghan army is ludicrous,” said Polymeropo­ulos, who retired from the CIA Senior Intelligen­ce Service in 2019.

Former acting CIA Director Mike Morell defended his colleagues Tuesday on Fox News.

“The intelligen­ce community for the last 20 years has been more pessimisti­c than any other organizati­on in the U.S. government about how this was going and whether victory was possible. So to blame intelligen­ce now infuriates me, absolutely infuriates me,” he said.

Calls to investigat­e

The Senate Intelligen­ce Committee already is combing through all of the intelligen­ce gathered in and about Afghanista­n, the Senate staffer confirmed, and is working with Democrats and Republican­s on the Foreign Relations and Armed Services committees to coordinate a series of planned investigat­ive hearings into actions taken by the White House, Pentagon, State Department and intelligen­ce agencies.

“We owe those answers to the American people and to all those who served and sacrificed so much,” said Sen. Mark Warner, D-Va., the chairman of the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee.

In its defense, the Biden administra­tion circulated a long list of talking points on Capitol Hill claiming that the administra­tion knew that there was “a distinct possibilit­y” that Kabul would fall to the Taliban. But the White House memo stressed: “It was not an inevitabil­ity. It was a possibilit­y.”

Some current and former U.S. national security officials contend there were no such illusions about whether Afghan troops could withstand pressure from the Taliban without U.S. support. They cited U.S. military intelligen­ce assessment­s from June that concluded that the Taliban could overrun government forces within 90 days, or as soon as 30 days.

“This was a political failure. The intelligen­ce community got this right,” Rep. Mike McCaul of Texas, top Republican on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, told MSNBC. “I got the briefings. I can’t go into detail. But they predicted, within six months, then three months. Actually, the Taliban worked even faster.”

When asked about those military intelligen­ce reports, Biden said last week that he was not considerin­g any change of plans even though the Taliban had already taken at least seven provincial capitals in a span of several days with little or no fighting.

Meanwhile, the CIA also was developing similarly stark intelligen­ce and sharing it up the chain of command, sources said.

“We have noted the troubling trendlines in Afghanista­n for some time, with the Taliban at its strongest militarily since 2001,” one senior U.S. intelligen­ce official told USA TODAY. “Strategica­lly, a rapid Taliban takeover was always a possibilit­y . ... We have always been clear-eyed that this was possible, and tactical conditions on the ground can often evolve quickly.”

Long-predicted outcome

For many years, most U.S. spies and soldiers working the Afghanista­n account have assumed that the current worst-case scenario was not only possible, but likely.

That’s not the fault of rank-and-file U.S.-trained Afghan forces, who have fought heroically and sustained heavy casualties even in the face of massive government corruption and wavering political and financial support from Washington.

“But all the institutio­nal stuff – the poor morale, corruption, poor leadership, poor accountabi­lity, no pay – that was a problem 15 years ago when I was an advisor” in Afghanista­n and it never got fixed, said Mike Jason, who retired in 2019 as a U.S. Army colonel after 24 years commanding combat units in Afghanista­n, Iraq, Germany, Kosovo and Kuwait.

The subject of how long Afghan forces could fend off the Taliban came up repeatedly during U.S. military meetings, including two that Jason attended in 2007 and 2001, he said. Each time, the consensus was that the Afghan army would fall immediatel­y after the withdrawal of U.S. forces – if not sooner.

“So now, lo and behold, the army collapses. Well, no kidding,” Jason said. “When the (U.S. aid) money started drying up and the Taliban comes in with better paychecks and we are telegraphi­ng internatio­nally that we’re out of here, at some point you’ve got to make a calculatio­n for yourself and the safety of your family.”

 ?? AP ?? Taliban fighters stand at a checkpoint near the U.S. embassy in Kabul that was previously guarded by American troops.
AP Taliban fighters stand at a checkpoint near the U.S. embassy in Kabul that was previously guarded by American troops.

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