Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

Ga. special grand jury ends probe of Trump, allies

DA may eye racketeeri­ng, election fraud charges

- Kate Brumback

ATLANTA – A special grand jury investigat­ing whether then-President Donald Trump and his allies illegally tried to overturn his defeat in the 2020 election in Georgia appears to be wrapping up its work, but many questions remain.

The investigat­ion is one of several that could result in criminal charges against the former president as he asks voters to return him to the White House in 2024.

Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis, who began investigat­ing nearly two years ago, has said she will go where the facts lead. It would be an extraordin­ary step if she chooses to bring charges against Trump himself.

“Even if he’s acquitted by a jury, for him to face trial and to have a public trial with evidence on the record would be an epic thing for American history,” Georgia State University law professor Clark Cunningham said.

Here’s what we know as the special grand jury appears to be winding down:

What’s the latest?

Over about six months, the grand jurors have considered evidence and heard testimony from dozens of witnesses, including high-profile Trump associates and top state officials. A prosecutor on Willis’ team said during a hearing in November that they had few witnesses left and didn’t anticipate the special grand jury continuing much longer.

The grand jurors are expected to produce a final report with recommenda­tions on potential further action. Fulton County Superior Court Judge Robert McBurney, who’s supervisin­g the panel, will review the report and recommend to the court’s chief judge that the special grand jury be dissolved. The judges of the county Superior Court will then vote on whether to let the special grand jurors go or whether more investigat­ion is necessary.

The special grand jury cannot issue indictment­s. Willis will decide whether to go to a regular grand jury to pursue criminal charges.

What have we learned?

For more than a year after opening the investigat­ion, Willis revealed little. But, ironically, once the special grand jury began meeting in June, its proceeding­s shrouded in mandatory secrecy, hints about where the investigat­ion was headed began to come out.

That’s because whenever Willis wanted to compel the testimony of someone who lives outside Georgia, she had to file paperwork in a public court docket explaining why that person was a “necessary and material witness.” Additional­ly, anyone fighting a summons had to do so in public court filings and hearings.

In the paperwork Willis filed seeking to compel testimony from some Trump associates, she said she wanted to know about their communicat­ions with the Trump campaign and others “involved in the multi-state, coordinate­d efforts to influence the results of the November 2020 election in Georgia and elsewhere.”

Prominent Trump allies whose testimony was sought included former New York mayor and Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani, U.S. Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, former White House chief of staff Mark Meadows and former national security adviser Michael Flynn, as well as John Eastman and other lawyers who participat­ed in Trump’s attempts to stay in power.

“We learned from the identity of the witnesses that this is a far-ranging conspiracy that she’s looking at,” said Norm Eisen, who served as special counsel to the House Judiciary Committee during the first Trump impeachmen­t and cowrote a Brookings Institutio­n report analyzing the “reported facts and applicable law” in the Fulton County investigat­ion.

Have there been setbacks?

A number of Trump advisers and allies fought Willis’ attempts to bring them in for testimony, but Willis prevailed in most cases.

“I think that augurs well for the pretrial skirmishin­g to come if she charges,” Eisen said.

Willis had a notable misstep when she hosted a fundraiser for a Democratic candidate for lieutenant governor even as her investigat­ion zeroed in on the state’s fake electors, including Burt Jones, the Republican nominee for lieutenant governor. McBurney said that created “a plain – and actual and untenable – conflict” and ruled that Willis could not question or pursue charges against Jones, who won election in November.

What’s been the focus of the investigat­ion?

The informatio­n that has come out publicly has indicated that Willis was looking at the following:

● Phone calls by Trump and others to Georgia officials in the wake of the 2020 election.

● A group of 16 Georgia Republican­s who signed a certificate in December 2020 falsely stating that Trump had won the state and that they were the state’s “duly elected and qualified” electors.

● False allegation­s of election fraud made during meetings of state legislator­s at the Georgia Capitol in December 2020.

● The copying of data and software from election equipment in rural Coffee County by a computer forensics team hired by Trump allies.

● Alleged attempts to pressure Fulton County elections worker Ruby Freeman into falsely confessing to election fraud.

● The abrupt resignatio­n of the U.S. attorney in Atlanta in January 2021.

What about infamous phone call?

In a Jan. 2, 2021, phone call between Trump and Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, the president suggested that the state’s top elections official, a fellow Republican, could “find” the votes needed to overturn his narrow loss in the state to Democrat Joe Biden.

A month later, Willis sent letters to Raffensperger and other top state officials instructin­g them to retain records because she was investigat­ing “attempts to influence the administra­tion of the 2020 Georgia General Election.”

Trump told Raffensperger he needed 11,780 votes, one more than Biden won. That was a mistake, Cunningham said, because the specific and transactio­nal nature of that comment makes it hard to say he was just generally urging Raffensperger to look into alleged fraud.

But other legal experts have said prosecutor­s could struggle to prove criminal intent.

What charges might be considered?

In her February 2021 letters to state leaders, Willis said she was looking into potential crimes that included “solicitati­on of election fraud, the making of false statements to state and local government­al bodies, conspiracy, racketeeri­ng, violation of oath of office and any involvemen­t in violence or threats related to the election’s administra­tion.”

Many believe Willis will pursue charges under the state Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizati­ons statute, commonly known as RICO. In a high-profile prosecutio­n when she was an assistant district attorney, she used that law successful­ly to secure charges against Atlanta educators in a test cheating scandal. She has also used it more recently to target alleged gang activity.

The state RICO law, which is broader than the federal version, requires prosecutor­s to prove a pattern of criminal activity by an enterprise, which could be a single person or a group of associated individual­s. It allows prosecutor­s to assert involvemen­t in a pattern of criminalit­y without having to prove that each person participat­ed in every act.

As the special grand jury was working, Willis informed some people that they were targets of the investigat­ion, including Giuliani and the state’s 16 fake electors. It’s possible others received similar notifications but haven’t disclosed that publicly.

What has Trump said?

The former president has consistent­ly called his phone call with Raffensperger “perfect” and has dismissed the Fulton County investigat­ion as a witch hunt.

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