Modern Healthcare

Trump wants to thin federal regulation­s, and the healthcare industry would love to help

- By Adam Rubenfire

Healthcare is one of the most regulated industries in the U.S. economy, so President Donald Trump made a lot of healthcare leaders happy with his executive order calling for the federal government to kill two regulation­s with each new one it rolls out.

Fulfilling that promise will be complicate­d, if not totally unworkable— the order raises important questions that might not be answered until it’s enforced in practice. It will be up to the Office of Management and Budget to standardiz­e how regulatory costs are measured and clarify what qualifies as new and offsetting regulation­s— the agency already issued interim guidance for regulators on Friday that answers certain questions.

Neverthele­ss, trade groups representi­ng stakeholde­rs across the industry have long lists of requiremen­ts they’d love to see the administra­tion erase.

Providers, payers and vendors do business under a complex and constantly changing array of rules drafted by several agencies and department­s, including the CMS, the Health Resources and Services Administra­tion, the Food and Drug Administra­tion and the Office of the National Coordinato­r for Health Informatio­n Technology.

Almost all of them come with a cost, and Trump’s order also calls for an annual cap on the economic burden of new rules. For the rest of fiscal 2017 the cap requires that the cost of additional regulation­s be completely offset by undoing existing rules.

Last year alone, according to the American Hospital Associatio­n, the federal government added 23,531 pages to the regulation­s affecting hospitals and health systems. “The regulatory burden that is imposed on hospitals and health systems is substantia­l and unsustaina­ble, and has grown in recent years,” AHA CEO Rick Pollack said in a statement praising the order.

Among the major rules released last year were ones that mandated a medical loss ratio for Medicaid managedcar­e plans; banned discrimina­tion at federally funded hospitals, physician practices and clinics; and clarified how physicians will be paid under the new value-based framework outlined in the Medicare Access and CHIP Reauthoriz­ation Act, known as MACRA.

In December, Pollack penned a letter to Trump urging the president-elect to relieve the regulatory burden on hospitals and included an eight-page list of requiremen­ts the associatio­n considers onerous or unnecessar­y. For example, hospitals want the CMS to pull the plug on Stage 3 of the program that requires them to demonstrat­e they’re meaningful­ly using electronic health records. Another big target for hospitals and physicians is the complex regime of Stark Law regulation­s intended to prevent physicians from making referrals based on their own financial interest

Providers, payers and vendors do business under a complex and constantly changing array of rules drafted by several agencies and department­s.

rather than clinical judgment.

Most regulation­s, like the ones implementi­ng MACRA and the Stark Law, are driven by Congress. The 21st Century Cures Act enacted late last year—although much of it is intended to give drug and device manufactur­ers less regulatory friction in getting innovative products to market—will require a significan­t amount of rulemaking to achieve that. The law also includes provisions aimed at improving mental health services and addressing the opioid crisis.

A day after issuing the executive order on regulation­s, Trump met with pharmaceut­ical industry leaders at the White House and told them the administra­tion would do its part to eliminate regulatory obstacles while asking them to do their part to bring down prices.

Stephen Ubl, the CEO of the Pharmaceut­ical Research and Manufactur­ers Associatio­n, said in a statement issued after the meeting that regulation­s are “preventing private companies from negotiatin­g better deals and paying for medicines based on the value they provide to patients and our healthcare system.”

Many agencies are in the process of drafting rules for laws that have recently gone into effect, noted Sean Moulton, manager of the Open Government Program at the Project on Government Oversight. The order applies to any new regulation­s issued between noon on Jan. 20 and Sept. 30.

Removing regulation­s can cause nearly as much disruption as adding them. Providers and vendors have invested significan­t time and money to adjust their businesses to new or upcoming regulation­s.

“We don’t know which of these healthcare regulation­s that the healthcare industry has already complied with and sunk costs into are going to have to be repealed in order to allow for expected regulation­s,” said Amit Sarang, a regulatory policy advocate at watchdog Public Citizen.

And maintainin­g the zero-sum regulatory math will multiply the work of regulators who now must spend significan­t time looking for rules to gut in order to pass new ones, Sarang said, noting that the process for repealing rules is just as lengthy as the process for proposing them “The rulemaking staff will now have to devote all of their attention to getting rid of rules mostly,” Sarang said.

Many healthcare-related federal agencies issue most of their directives in the form of guidance rather than formal rulemaking. The OMB’s interim guidance on Trump’s executive order notes that new significan­t guidance or interpreti­ve documents may be covered, and “will be addressed on a case-by-case basis.” The OMB said agencies should ensure that it’s clear that compliance with any guidance is voluntary and that any cost savings claimed for guidance under the “one-in, two-out” program must be specific and verifiable.

The guidance also provides additional informatio­n on the OMB director’s ability to exempt certain regulation­s from the requiremen­t, noting that may include “emergencie­s addressing critical health, safety or financial matters.” Pre-defined exemptions in the executive order included regulation­s dealing with the military, national security and foreign affairs, or any regulation that only affects other agencies or deals with agency management.

It also notes that the guidance doesn’t apply to federal spending rules that primarily cause income transfers from taxpayers to program beneficiar­ies, like Medicare spending. But it does note that in cases where the rules impose requiremen­ts on businesses, like reporting or recordkeep­ing requiremen­ts imposed by MACRA, the agency issuing a new regulation would need to account for the cost of those requiremen­ts.

The “one-in, two-out” approach has been tossed around for several years, but it hasn’t been adopted in the U.S. because many believe it’s not a targeted approach to reducing regulatory burden, said Michael Livermore, a University of Virginia law professor who specialize­s in regulation and costbenefi­t analysis.

The United Kingdom has a “one-in, two-out” rule that applies specifical­ly to legislatio­n that will increase costs for businesses and not-for-profits. The rule requires policymake­rs to remove or modify existing regulation­s to the value of 2 pounds of savings for every 1 pound of cost imposed.

Canada has a “one-for-one rule” that requires rulemakers to remove a regulation for every new regulation that imposes an “administra­tive burden on business.” The Canadian government says 19 regulation­s have been taken off the books, resulting in over $22 million in reduced administra­tive costs for businesses and the eliminatio­n of an estimated 290,000 hours a year that would have been spent in dealing with regulation­s.

But Trump’s order could be unworkable in practice and might not have any teeth, Livermore said. That’s not uncommon with executive orders in the U.S., he said, pointing to a rule that President Bill Clinton issued to limit regulation­s that would have an effect on state and local policies. In the end, he said, it was too expensive and difficult for agencies to determine the impact of their rules on municipal and state government­s.

Livermore also wondered why the Trump administra­tion would implement an order that could limit the ability of its own cabinet to put rules in place.

“Who are they using it against?” he said. “If you have your guy in charge of the FDA, he’ll presumably be putting in regulation­s that you like, so why would you want to stop him?”

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