Morning Sun

The Jan. 6 committee proved that Biden won, but is that really the point?

- Gary Abernathy, a contributi­ng columnist for The Washington Post, is a freelance writer based in the Cincinnati, region

If the purpose of the Jan. 6 committee was to demonstrat­e that Joe Biden won the

2020 presidenti­al election definitive­ly and legitimate­ly, it largely accomplish­ed that objective Monday morning. But whether that achieves anything related to the committee’s overall objectives remains to be seen.

Witnesses within former president Donald Trump’s orbit testified via video deposition­s that they understood and accepted the evidence of the election outcome and attempted to convince Trump that there was no substantia­l fraud.

Former Fox News editor Chris Stirewalt — whose “decision desk” at Fox made an early call that Arizona was going to Biden — did a good job of explaining why mail-in votes were favoring Democrats, while ballots cast on Election Day favored Republican­s. Accordingl­y, based on the order in which states count their votes — early vs. same day — significan­t vote swings are normal and to be expected. It’s ironic that Fox News, which unceremoni­ously fired Stirewalt two months after the election, chose to broadcast Monday morning’s hearing — with Stirewalt’s testimony front and center — after forgoing Thursday’s prime-time opening presentati­on.

Longtime Republican attorney Ben Ginsberg anchored a second set of witnesses Monday, and he also effectivel­y shot down election fraud allegation­s. But like the two Republican­s appointed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to serve on the committee, Liz Cheney, Wyo., and Adam Kinzinger, Ill., Ginsberg was a Trump critic even before the 2020 election, and his comments will be viewed as more of the same by the Trump faithful.

Rudy Giuliani, a former New York mayor whose once sterling reputation has been obliterate­d by his bombastic and bizarre turn as Trump’s confidant and legal adviser, was further damaged based on others’ testimony. The evidence shows that Giuliani’s influence on Trump’s pursuit of fraud allegation­s was immense, and his contributi­ons to Trump’s delusional obsessions will forever overshadow his heroic efforts leading New York after the tragedy of 9/11.

Proving to more Americans that Trump really lost the election — despite all the sundry conspiracy theories — would be a valuable service. But demonstrat­ing that Trump knew that he lost is next to impossible. Trump’s ego is such that it might truly be the case that he sincerely thinks the election was stolen.

Pinning much of the committee’s strategy on proving that Trump knew he lost is a tactic fraught with peril. It’s impossible to prove what was in someone’s heart and mind. The goal seems to be that demonstrat­ing that Trump knew his claims of fraud were false makes him legally more culpable in fomenting the Jan. 6 upheaval and means that he represents an ongoing threat.

But it’s a dangerous tightrope in that it suggests that if Trump truly believed there was fraud, his actions might somehow be justifiabl­e. They’re not. Richard Nixon in 1960 and Al Gore in 2000 each set the example of accepting the official outcome despite credible evidence for objecting. Even if Trump goes to his grave believing the 2020 election was stolen, his inability to accept the results after exhausting reasonable legal avenues is an unforgivab­le derelictio­n of duty.

After each presidenti­al election, the voluntary participat­ion of the loser in recognizin­g the winner is the most important example the United States sends to the world — especially when an incumbent loses and undertakes the peaceful transfer of power. That Trump didn’t do that — even if he sincerely believed fraud to be real and demonstrab­le — is indefensib­le. Proving that he didn’t believe his own fraud rhetoric is largely beside the point.

The purpose of the Jan. 6 committee is to investigat­e the origins of the attack on the U.S. Capitol and determine whether anyone — particular­ly Trump himself — planned and coordinate­d it. To that end, Monday’s presentati­on was no less scripted than last Thursday’s prime-time extravagan­za. There was no cross-examinatio­n of witnesses, no counter to the preordaine­d narrative. The appearance of a carefully choreograp­hed presentati­on with a preordaine­d result detracts from its credibilit­y.

Thursday’s hearing drew about 20 million viewers. That’s fewer than 1 in 10 adult Americans, according to census figures. It’s a rather paltry audience, considerin­g that the hearing was carried live across ABC, NBC, CBS, PBS, CNN, MSNBC and other outlets. By contrast, this year’s State of the Union address drew 38 million viewers. One report noted that the hearing outdrew the Academy Awards, but that shouldn’t have been difficult, considerin­g consistent­ly falling ratings for the Oscars and that the ceremony is carried by just one network.

A recent CNN story noted alarmingly that Trump’s standing with Americans has actually risen since Jan. 6, 2021, and he has been outpolling Biden in matchups. Maybe these hearings will slightly blunt Trump’s resurgence, but unless there’s more opportunit­y to challenge the one-sided nature of the format, it’s likely they’ll be cheered by Trump’s critics and derided by his supporters — with little to change the perception on either side.

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