New York Daily News

Hold Trump accountabl­e

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President Trump should turn back into bloviating entertainm­ent star Donald Trump if he obstructed justice in the investigat­ion of former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn. But that will only happen if Congress or any other investigat­ive body has the guts to go wherever the evidence leads.

Tuesday evening came the earth-shattering revelation that, according to then-FBI director Jim Comey, Trump urged him to deep-six its investigat­ion of Flynn, a day after Trump tossed him.

Context matters, and denials are already coming fast and furious, but as reported by The New York Times, relaying an account drawn from Comey’s detailed notes of the meeting, Trump’s request sounds plainly Nixonian.

“I hope you can let this go,” the President is said to have told Comey, the politeness of the request belying its likely illegality.

The FBI boss, we now learn, meticulous­ly documented each interactio­n with the President in real time, in memos that congressio­nal committees must subpoena.

Under 18 U.S. Code Section 1503, “Whoever corruptly, or by threats or force, or by any threatenin­g letter or communicat­ion . . . endeavors to influence, obstruct, or impede, the due administra­tion of justice” is guilty of a felony. This law has no exception for the President. That key could be the downfall for Trump, who has skated on presidenti­al exceptions to government conflict of interests laws and, as we distressin­gly learned on Monday, on releasing classified materials.

Trump, always the last to admit to having anything to learn about anything, is insistent he was right to share classified details about an ISIS plot with Russia — and, in the process, inadverten­tly reveal the American partner from which those details came, which turns out to have been Israel.

Trump’s Tuesday-morning explanatio­n of why he loosened his lips in last week’s meeting with Russia’s ambassador and foreign minister: for “humanitari­an reasons,” tweeted the President — to encourage Russia “to greatly step up their fight against ISIS & terrorism.”

But the specifics of a plot, revealed in such a way that the Kremlin could easily reverse-engineer their source, were obviously unnecessar­y to make that point.

What Trump did was give rise to the near certainty that the Kremlin will now marry what it has learned from the President with what it knows from other sources — and then share that insight with its allies and Israel’s sworn enemies, Iran and Syria.

The Israel-U.S. relationsh­ip will survive, but, diplomatic insistence that there’s been no harm done notwithsta­nding, this has got to hurt.

The reversal in posture from the White House Tuesday induced whiplash in a now-familiar way: Officials went from uncategori­cally denying the content of Monday night’s Washington Post report to essentiall­y admitting its validity but poohpoohin­g its relevance.

National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster, who had issued a broad denial Monday, said Tuesday that “what the President discussed with the foreign minister was wholly appropriat­e to that conversati­on.”

That doesn’t explain why, in the wake of the President’s indiscreti­on, White House officials rushed to contain the damage with the CIA and NSA. McMaster spitballed that this happened “maybe from an overabunda­nce of caution.”

Moreover, McMaster said Trump didn’t know the source of the intelligen­ce that he passed along to Russia — an attempt to absolve the commander-in-chief of responsibi­lity that only underlines how irresponsi­bly the man in charge acted.

On Monday, we learned that Trump outed an ally and Tuesday that he tried to thwart a criminal probe. Today is Wednesday. God save us.

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