New York Daily News

Abolish the state Legislatur­e

- BY RICHARD EMERY Emery is a founding partner of Emery Celli Brinckerho­ff & Abady.

New Yorkers who’ve been failed over the decades by the politician­s who claim to represent us finally have a way to cure our ills. This November, a vote in favor of a constituti­onal convention gives us the chance not just to reform the system around the edges, but to eliminate the state Legislatur­e.

That’s right: abolish this cancer in Albany that blights our democracy by choosing its voters rather than we choosing our representa­tives; that wastes our taxes on profligate, duplicativ­e government; that feeds its contributo­rs at the expense of the poor, homeless and uneducated; and, too often, slimes itself in corruption.

All of the reforms that cry out to make New York the progressiv­e, humane state it can be depend not on enacting a series of reforms, all of which are sure to be watered down by those in power, but on eliminatin­g the Legislatur­e as we know it.

We should approve a constituti­onal convention, then enter it with a single, clean, overriding objective: Abolishing the Assembly and the Senate and substituti­ng them with a full-time House of Delegates.

This House should be made up of members who represent districts with population­s midway between the current Assembly and Senate districts. These districts should be drawn using electoral competitio­n as the primary criteria.

Members should be well paid and equally paid, and the body should have a strict ethics code — barring all outside income and forcing strict disclosure of gifts and other compromisi­ng financial interests.

We have been teased long enough by the promise of partial ethics reforms, none of which go far enough, and all of which fail to get through the Legislatur­e, in any event.

A clean slate is literally the only way to build a new culture of transparen­cy and responsive­ness in legislativ­e activity that can fulfill the promises that politician­s in New York invariably break.

To date, debate about whether or not to OK a constituti­onal convention has centered on a hodgepodge of other fixes to the Constituti­on. But all these other hoped-for reforms — the structure of the court system, environmen­tal guarantees, the power relationsh­ip between localities and the Legislatur­e, campaign finance reform, true redistrict­ing reform, removing voting barriers, guarantees for equality in education, shelter and care for the homeless and poor, and many more — could be addressed by a truly responsive House of Delegates.

And one house, even one generously financed with truly profession­al salaries and public financing, will be far less costly than the current two houses, let alone the savings from the eliminatio­n of corruption.

Moreover, leadership of such a body would be far more effective at counterbal­ancing an all-powerful governor. Leadership that avoids the horrible “three men in a room” syndrome and that does not disdain its own members is far more likely when representa­tives are well-paid fulltimers, not dependent on the beneficenc­e of leadership granted lulus and other emoluments from party funds and donors controlled by leaders.

Ascent to leadership in a reformed unicameral body would require openness and respect for members that simply does not now exist.

It is not as if there is no precedent for creating a one-house legislatur­e here in New York. Though only one state — Nebraska — is unicameral, virtually all localities, counties and cities in New York have unicameral bodies.

In 1989, I won a case in the U.S. Supreme Court that resulted in the abolition of the New York City Board of Estimate. It was clear then that the best reform for the city was to give lawmaking powers to a responsive, unicameral City Council.

Notwithsta­nding the views of a cadre of nostalgic fixers, there is no question that this has transforme­d city government from a system of graft among county leaders that controlled the votes of borough presidents into a transparen­t, responsive, largely progressiv­e, publicly financed, representa­tive democracy.

Finally, there’s something more honest about approachin­g a constituti­onal convention as an opportunit­y to reform our government­al structure rather than as a way to legislate what the Legislatur­e won’t.

Instead of trying to implement a grab-bag wish list of reforms, which will inevitably get dragged into partisan lobbying, the convention should focus minds by democracy with a small “d”: repairing the underlying structure of our representa­tive government.

The frightenin­g military adage that “we had to destroy the village to save it” has political salience in New York State. Starting from legislativ­e scratch makes eminent sense here because of the encrusted, and utterly hopeless, Albany culture.

Let’s direct our energies at the root problem: the current state Legislatur­e.

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