New York Daily News

Who de Blasio works for

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Behold yet another batch of emails from the City Hall files showing Mayor de Blasio and his staff leaping to assist a major fundraiser — in this case top lobbyist James Capalino, who in the fall of 2015 delivered $45,000 for the mayor’s present reelection campaign.

The tale told by the notes, obtained by Politico, by now rings distressin­gly familiar:

There’s the direct line to the mayor — here, text messages and emails deployed in successful defense of tourist helicopter­s whose noise and fumes drove neighbors so batty the City Council was preparing to ban them.

There’s the mayor’s fundraiser­s’ ongoing pursuit of cash — here, extracted from a Capalino client who sought to move a truck ramp at a trash depot not far from Gracie Mansion, previously resisted by the city for the millions it would cost.

There’s a donor grousing that his contributi­on to the mayor came to naught, having expected results — here, a rep of a Beverly Hills entertainm­ent conglomera­te passed over for a Queens music festival in favor of a client of a rival lobbyist/fundraiser close to de Blasio, Harold Ickes.

We could go on — but as troubling as anything is what the emails reveal about not de Blasio’s thirst for donations from lobbyists and their clients, not his haste to help them, but his adminstrat­ion’s pitiful codependen­ce on Capalino clients.

Take Veterans Affairs Commission­er Loree Sutton, a retired Army general charged with ending veterans’ homelessne­ss. President Obama supplied a slew of rent vouchers, but after months, the city still hadn’t figured out how to link vets with apartments.

Then a Capalino colleague handling real estate clients convened a roomful of landlords seeking a piece of the action, and submitted to-do lists to the clueless commission­er to keep her on point.

Staff from de Blasio’s Economic Developmen­t Corp. worked hand in pilot’s glove with touristhel­icopter firms to sell the Council on a plan to preserve the industry and its “good jobs” — even while City Hall readied to rein in Uber and other ride-hail services as traffic-jamming renegades out to exploit workers.

And City Hall rainmakers pestered and pestered with pitches for corporate sponsorshi­ps — while the lobbyists routinely pushed City Hall for fast-tracked real estate permits and time to bend the ear of top officials.

Outsourcin­g city government to those who can grease their way with cash: This is de Blasio’s New York.

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