New York Post

DEMS’ BID TO RIG THE ELECTION RULES

- Betsy McCaughey is a senior fellow at the London Center for Policy Research. BETSY McCAUGHEY

IF you can’t win, change the rules. That’s the Democratic Party’s new playbook. Democrats are urging the US Supreme Court to redraw Wisconsin’s electoral map, claiming Republican lawmakers drew it unfairly.

If the justices toss Wisconsin’s map and dictate new rules for election mapmaking, it could turn winners into losers and vice versa in many states. Republican­s have been on a winning streak and now control both legislativ­e houses in 33 states, including Wisconsin. They rightly oppose this judicial interferen­ce. The justices will hear the case, Gill v. Whitford, on Oct. 3.

Democrats claim Wisconsin’s election map puts them at a disadvanta­ge by packing their voters into too few election districts, “wasting” their votes and allowing Republican­s to win the majority of districts.

But the real problem isn’t an unfair map. It’s that Wisconsin Democrats are concentrat­ed in cities. In many states, Democrats tend to win urban voters and do less well with suburban and rural voters. Wisconsin Democrats want the lines redrawn so their urban voters can capture a majority of the state’s legislativ­e seats — and they’re asking the Supreme Court to help them.

It’s a brazen political gambit disguised as fairness. They claim to be victims of gerrymande­ring — drawing election districts to favor one party. But they’re not opposed to gerrymande­ring. They just want it to favor them.

They hope a Supreme Court victory will restore their political fortunes after the 2020 Census, when states have to redraw their electoral maps.

If Democrats prevail in court, the nation’s political map could change significan­tly after the Census, with many statehouse­s flipped to Democratic control. That would likely mean higher state taxes, anti-fracking laws and job-killing regulation­s on business.

As for gerrymande­ring, it’s been around for over 200 years and isn’t limited to any party.

When James Madison ran for Congress in 1788, rival politician­s, including his mortal enemy Patrick Henry, drew district lines to try to exclude Madison’s supporters. Madi- son won anyway, but manipulati­ng voting districts for partisan advantage was just getting started.

Massachuse­tts Gov. Elbridge Gerry, a signer of the Declaratio­n of Independen­ce and Constituti­onal Convention delegate, raised it to an art form in 1812, carving a bizarre district in his state that meandered around Boston like a salamander. A Boston newspaper caricature­d it, adding claws, fangs and a tail, and called it a Gerry-mander.

That political monster has been with us ever since. It’s one of the tools pols in both parties use — along with arcane ballot-access rules and the perks of incumbency — to rig elections and exclude competitio­n.

At its worst, it deprives voters of any meaningful self-government. But this corrupt gerrymande­ring should be cleaned up by the voters — not the federal courts.

Is there a practical solution? Yes. Voters in 13 states have already set up independen­t or bipartisan commission­s to draw district lines after each Census.

In 2014, New York state approved a constituti­onal amendment establishi­ng a redistrict­ing commission, but unfortunat­ely it allows the Legislatur­e to ultimately reject whatever map the commission proposes. Iowa’s remedy is better, barring any considerat­ion of partisan affiliatio­n when lines are drawn.

But don’t confuse that with what Wisconsin Democrats are trying to do. In Wisconsin, there are no salamander-shaped election districts. But Democrats want to rig the rules to increase the clout of urban voters, even if it requires drawing strangely shaped districts.

In the past the Supreme Court has refused to meddle in partisan gerrymande­ring cases. As Justice Antonin Scalia explained in a 2004 ruling, “political gerrymande­ring claims are nonjustici­able” — meaning strictly political matters. That’s how the justices should rule again in the Wisconsin case. If Democrats want to return to power, they’ll need to broaden their appeal and win over more of America’s nonurban voters.

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