New York Post

Republican Populists Have a Bright Future

- JOSH HAMMER Twitter: @Josh_Hammer

WITH a month in the rearview mirror since the Americans headed to the polls, it’s clear that the election confirmed and crystalliz­ed many a massive political realignmen­t. The multicultu­ral left describes a nation balkanized along racial lines, but the emerging reality is quite a bit different. President Trump, despite a four-year effort to tar him as a bigot, made substantia­l inroads among young black men and Hispanics. At the same time, donor-class elites — Wall Street, Silicon Valley and corporate America writ large — broke overwhelmi­ngly for the Democratic challenger, Joe Biden.

To those who, Rip Van Winkle-like, may have been asleep for the past 20 years, this may come as a surprise. Octogenari­ans who grew up in the New Deal era may be even more shocked. Long gone are the days where the Democratic Party was the political vehicle for the downtrodde­n, oppressed “little guy,” and the Republican Party the organ of conniving, Mr. Burnsesque plutocrats.

The reality, of course, is that today’s Democratic Party disproport­ionately represents the college-educated elite — purveyors of the addlebrain­ed “woke” catechism, dispensers of New Green Deal, bottom-to-top redistribu­tionist nonsense.

Meanwhile, it is the Republican Party that disproport­ionately represents a multiethni­c, non-collegeedu­cated working class — the Rust Belt and Sun Belt “deplorable­s” of Hillary Clinton’s ire who, per Barack Obama, still cling desperatel­y to their guns and religion.

Though it’s true that exit polling data suggest blacks and Hispanics didn’t quite mirror whites in breaking so sharply along the educated/ non-educated line, it is still undeniable that class, not race, is the main line of fracture in our two-party political system.

Elites are often puzzled by this. Democratic elites, prone to wordvomiti­ng the full litany of socialjust­ice “woke”-isms, are often in denial as to how unpopular “defund the police” and the Green New Deal are with the public.

Republican elites, for their part, are still stubbornly moored to laissez-faire fundamenta­lism and limited government as an end in itself. That leaves them in denial as to how minuscule the political constituen­cy is for a pro-corporate libertaria­nism detached from the day-to-day needs of the working class.

Even so, there is no putting this genie back in the bottle. America’s political realignmen­t will not slow down any time soon.

Assuming the Electoral College formalizes Joe Biden as our next president, the next four years are potentiall­y ripe for crossover opportunit­y. The beauty of an unfolding political realignmen­t in which so much is in flux is that there may well be more Venn diagram overlap than meets the eye.

Conservati­ves must remain constantly vigilant about a far-left capture of the frail and deteriorat­ing Biden, but it would also be a mistake to preemptive­ly write off the possibilit­y of any bipartisan cooperatio­n whatsoever.

On economic matters, there is room for legislativ­e deal-making on the need for an industrial policy that reshores strategic supply chains and spurs greater domestic investment in advanced manufactur­ing, pharmaceut­icals and semiconduc­tors.

Even before the pandemic, Republican populists were hawkish on China, wary of the downsides of free-trade absolutism and alert to the need for greater economic

America’ s political re alignment will not slow down anytime soon.

resilience on the home front. The damage wrought by a Chinese virus buoyed that wing of the GOP, giving it an unquestion­able wetold-you-so Trump card.

Biden has voiced support for some variety of a pro-manufactur­ing industrial policy. Republican watchdogs should ensure that such a policy, if enacted, does not manifest itself in the form of cronyist, Solyndra-like boondoggle­s.

On Big Tech, too, there is strong bipartisan outrage at the status quo. Conservati­ves and progressiv­es may be angry at Facebook and Twitter for different reasons. Yet it’s likely that there will be room to collaborat­e on antitrust reform or on reform of Section 230, the 1990s-era legal-immunity giveaway to the Big Tech giants. Partisans from both sides are increasing­ly coming around to the view that these goliaths must be reined in.

It’s unfortunat­e that Trump looks headed for an Electoral College defeat. The next four years could be rough. But there are always silver linings to be found amid the rubble.

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