New York Post

Defiant bully won't go quietly

- Michael Goodwin mgoodwin@nypost.com

IN baseball, it’s three strikes and you’re out. In New York politics, you get at least three strikes and maybe four or even five. As growing numbers of Gov. Cuomo’s fellow Democrats demand he resign following three allegation­s of sexual harassment, there is widespread expectatio­n he’ll quit any day now. That could happen, but absent bombshell accusation­s by more women, I wouldn’t bet on it.

It’s much more likely we’re in the early innings of a game that could go on for months. In fact, it’s possible the situation could go unresolved until the 2022 election, when Cuomo was expected to seek a fourth term.

I say this because it’s clear the governor has no intention of volunteeri­ng his resignatio­n and because he can’t be forced out except by the Legislatur­e through impeachmen­t, which isn’t even close to starting. Although Cuomo’s standing with the public is slipping, it hasn’t fallen off a cliff and there are no huge demonstrat­ions of New Yorkers clamoring for an immediate exit.

Cuomo, of course, has never been confused with a shrinking violet. His reputation as a political thug is well-deserved, and he’s not about to turn into Mr. Nice Guy in a crisis, even the most serious one of his career.

The first hints he is determined to try to ride out the storm emerged with his two attempts to pick or influence the person who would investigat­e him. The efforts were ridiculous, but they signaled that he will concede nothing and make his opponents fight for every inch of turf.

Only when there was no support in Albany for him to make the pick did Cuomo agree to let Attorney General Letitia James be the decider. But then he quickly grabbed back the spotlight by issuing an apology — of sorts.

His statement was moronic in that it basically blamed his accusers for not understand­ing his concern for them and sense of humor. But the significan­ce is that it again revealed he will contest every issue and yield nothing without a fight.

That strategy is rooted in a fundamenta­l fact: nobody can force him to quit. That’s his ace in the hole.

Impeachmen­t and removal is the only recourse, but we are a long way from that, with only a relative handful of legislator­s supporting it so far. It’s been more than a century since the process was even used against a sitting New York governor.

Mirroring the federal system, it requires a simple majority vote in the Assembly and a two-thirds vote in the state Senate for conviction and removal.

Both chambers are heavily Democratic and to get anywhere near the magic numbers, there would have to be some form of due process and a finding that would establish the governor’s guilt beyond a doubt. That’s going to be the task of the investigat­ion when it starts, and even that comes with a hitch.

Conducted by a law firm to be appointed by James, the probe will have subpoena power but its final report will be limited to findings and probably a recommenda­tion.

Suppose it concludes Cuomo committed the abuses as charged, and maybe uncovers others. Then what?

Even if it calls on him to resign, he could thumb his nose at it.

More confirmati­on that he’s going to be a tough out came Tuesday from the state Democratic Party boss, Jay Jacobs, who serves at Cuomo’s pleasure. After calling the harassment allegation­s “disturbing” and pushing back against Republican­s by invoking the sins of Donald Trump, Jacobs urged “Democrats to unite in our determinat­ion to allow the attorney general’s investigat­ion to do the work we have called for, and then to do what is right, whatever the outcome.”

He might as well have added “calm down” because that was the subtext of the next sentence: “In the meantime, our state has a budget to complete, a pandemic to fight and the people’s work must continue.”

In effect, Cuomo and Jacobs aim to use the investigat­ion to buy time for a cooling-off period. And getting back to business as usual over the budget, where Cuomo holds the power of pork, is a way of reminding members of the Legislatur­e they have an incentive to keep Cuomo in office.

Oddly, even the announceme­nt Tuesday that lawmakers plan to curtail the emergency powers they gave him a year ago could serve his interests. It shows the Legislatur­e is acting to punish him without jeopardizi­ng his job. No doubt many members will say the emergency-powers vote is enough for now.

However, there is one other torpedo that could destroy Cuomo’s plan to play the long game. That’s the federal investigat­ion into whether his office illegally withheld an accurate count of nursing home deaths from the Justice Department.

The seeming admission of a coverup from aide Melissa DeRosa in her recorded call with lawmakers last month ignited the probe and forced Cuomo and his team to lawyer up with criminal-defense attorneys.

If the probe moves swiftly and if reports of subpoenas and grand juries began to dominate the headlines, the governor could be facing the start of a serious criminal issue, which could change public sentiment and his calculatio­ns.

And if more women make allegation­s against him, he would be hopelessly engulfed by an accumulati­on of scandals. Then it would be The End.

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