New York Post

Constituti­onal Snub

Biden doesn’t care that his vax mandate’s illegal

- Andrew C. McCarthy is a former federal prosecutor and contributi­ng editor at National Review.

CLEARLY, President Biden is not chastened by the Supreme Court smackdown he got just a couple of weeks ago, when the justices invalidate­d the eviction moratorium that even administra­tion officials acknowledg­e was patently lawless right before Biden reissued it.

Quite the opposite.

The administra­tion is similarly well aware that the national vaccine mandate that the president is poised to issue is unlawful. White House Chief of Staff Ron Klain made the obvious explicit by retweeting a progressiv­e commentato­r’s observatio­n that the ploy of imposing the vaccine requiremen­t as a workplace-safety rule under OSHA (the Occupation­al Safety and Health Administra­tion) is the “ultimate work-around.”

Translatio­n: The president knows that an executive order mandating COVID vaccinatio­n would be shot down instantly, so he’s trying to camouflage it in a maze of Labor Department regulation.

Even on that score, the gambit cannot be justified. OSHA is trying to evade the Administra­tive Procedure Act’s requiremen­t of a regulatory commentary period by slamming the vaccine dictate through as an “Emergency Testing Standard.”

It has been nearly 40 years since OSHA tried that trick . . . mainly because the courts struck it down, on an asbestos regulation, in 1983.

In a sensible world, where the originalis­t interpreta­tion of the Constituti­on governed, Biden’s move would be patently unconstitu­tional. Congress has no overarchin­g public-health authority.

OSHA relies for its regulation­s on Congress’ power under the commerce clause. But a vaccine isn’t even commerce, let alone interstate commerce.

In our federalist system as originally designed, the states were to be sovereign in governing their internal affairs. In that tradition, it is the states, not the federal government, that have imposed vaccinatio­n requiremen­ts, particular­ly in schools.

Unfortunat­ely, the Supreme

Court has made a hash of commerce clause jurisprude­nce. Particular­ly during and after the New Deal, it permitted federal regulation of intrastate matters on extremely dubious rationales.

As a result, federal mandate cases tend to come down to two related questions: Is the federal government trying to exercise power in a traditiona­l state-law domain; and, if so, has Congress given the federal agency precise, unambiguou­s authority to take the action in question?

That is why the Biden administra­tion went down in flames on the eviction moratorium. The Supreme Court reasoned that landlord-tenant relations were intrastate in nature and had always been subject to state-law regulation. The court did not grapple with the underlying commerce clause question of whether any component of the federal government, including Congress, had the power to order a delay of rental payments. But it explained that even if we assume Congress has such power, it must make its directives clear.

Congress had not done that. Instead, the Biden administra­tion (through the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention) attempted to mine its authority out of an extravagan­t and distorted constructi­on of the applicable federal statutes.

The same situation will obtain with the vaccine mandate. Indeed, if Congress had authorized OSHA to issue such a regulation, OSHA would not be scheming to dodge administra­tive-procedure requiremen­ts. The president and his administra­tion know they are in the wrong.

Sadly, we are sure to see more instances of overreach. At this point, Biden is not so much trying to impose his will as to use — or better, abuse — the levers of executive power in a way that assures progressiv­es that he is on their side. For this president, his sworn duty to execute the laws faithfully is beside the point.

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