New York Post

MOST AMERICAN HOLIDAY

- Rich lowry

THOMAS Jefferson is on the outs. Columbus Day is a shadow of its former self. And Thanksgivi­ng, perhaps most critically, is under pressure. If this most American holiday is ever downgraded from its honored place on the national calendar, it will speak of a profound change in our self-definition.

Thanksgivi­ng dates from before the establishm­ent of the American nation-state, harking back to our original settlers. Although the official holiday was establishe­d by the government and is marked by our presidents, it has acquired its layers of meaning through religious faith, informal culinary and social customs and a centuries-old vein of tradition. It is part of the warp and woof of America, older than the Constituti­on and deeply rooted in family and hearth.

After their brutal first winter in the New World, the Pilgrims, of course, shared a feast with Wampanoag Indians in 1621. It wasn’t quite the picture-perfect gathering depicted in the famous, anachronis­tic Jennie Brownscomb­e painting of 1914 (complete with what looks like a golden-brown Butterball turkey at the end of the table) but notable all the same.

Their meal was different from ours, with seafood and venison occupying an important place. They also certainly ate birds. One of the participan­ts, Edward Winslow, wrote a letter describing how the “harvest being gotten in, our governor sent four men on fowling, that so we might rejoice together.”

Turkey wasn’t necessaril­y on the menu, although the Plymouth Colony governor, William Bradford, made a reference in his journal to the “great store of wild turkeys, of which they took many.”

Technicall­y, the Pilgrims’ celebratio­n was a harvest feast, rather than what they would have understood as a day of thanksgivi­ng, which would have involved fasting and supplicati­ons to God. In time, the New England colonies establishe­d annual general thanksgivi­ng days not occasioned by any specific event, although they, too, were solemn occasions. From these sources, as Melanie Kirkpatric­k explains in her excellent book on the holiday, Thanksgivi­ng as we know it arose.

It is a thread that runs throughout American history. In 1778, the Continenta­l Congress designated Dec. 30 “to be observed as a day of public thanksgivi­ng and praise.” George Washington made the first presidenti­al proclamati­on in 1789, urging gratitude “for the signal and manifold mercies, and the favorable interposit­ions of his providence, which we experience­d in the course and conclusion of the late war.”

In 1863, Abraham Lincoln declared a national day of Thanksgivi­ng — designatin­g it the last Thursday of November — and every president has done the same since with occasional deviations regarding the day.

Even the connection to football stretches back to a Princeton-Yale game in 1873, which became an annual tradition in New York City. Long before the Detroit Lions and Dallas Cowboys made playing on Thanksgivi­ng one of their signatures, colleges and high schools scheduled rivalry games for the day.

The holiday is linked in the American imaginatio­n — and in fact — with the gathering of family and with warmth and plenty. The widely reproduced 1861 George Durrie painting “Home to Thanksgivi­ng” depicts a couple returning to a snow-covered farm for the holiday being greeted by an older couple at the door of the house welcoming them back home.

The even more famous Norman Rockwell painting from 80 years later, “Freedom from Want,” might as well be the continuati­on of the Durrie scene, now indoors. An elderly couple serves a big, juicy bird to a beaming family around the table.

For most Americans, the day still functions as the great 19th-century promoter of the holiday, Sarah Josepha Hale, hoped. “Such social rejoicings,” she wrote in 1857, “tend greatly to expand the generous feelings of our nature, and strengthen the bond of union that binds us brothers and sisters in that true sympathy of American patriotism.”

If that ever stops being so, we’ll be a different country and poorer for it.

Excerpted from “The Case for Nationalis­m.”

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