Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

DACA fans scarce on some GOP turf

Mexico queried on Dreamers’ return

- COMPILED BY DEMOCRAT-GAZETTE STAFF FROM WIRE REPORTS

MONROE, Ga. — President Donald Trump said he was giving Congress six months to come up with a solution for young immigrants who came to the United States as children and are living in the country illegally.

But in some Republican congressio­nal districts, there’s little incentive for fixing a program started by the Obama administra­tion.

Trump’s decision to wipe out deportatio­n reprieves for young immigrants has unleashed a frenzied rush to renew 154,000 permits before an Oct. 5 deadline, a process advocacy groups say will cost millions of dollars in fees and stretch their resources to the limit.

In Mexico, the prospect of their return is forcing a closer look at how the country receives U.S. deportees.

Across Mexico, the news of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program’s cancellati­on for many has cut to the quick. President Enrique Pena Nieto said, “Mexico will receive these young people who return with open arms.” The Foreign Ministry issued a statement expressing “profound regret” at DACA’s cancellati­on.

Critics say Mexico is not prepared to receive any such deportees and has had a poor track record with deportees in general. “Mexico continues to be not ready,” said Nancy Landa, a deportee in Tijuana whose firm, Mundo Translated, conducts research on immigratio­n issues. “You still see that there’s not enough help, not enough resources, not enough support in the whole return process.”

Tijuana, one of the main “repatriati­on” points on the U.S. border, has been receiving an average of 85 deportees a day through July of this year — compared with an average of 106 a day last year, according to Mexican government figures. After Trump’s announceme­nt on DACA, Tijuana’s Coalition for the Defense of Migrants has raised pointed questions about the ability of local, state and federal authoritie­s in Mexico to assist these new arrivals.

“Are you ready to provide the necessary support?” the

group asked in a written statement. “What support programs are you contem- plating? Is there a plan? Is there a public policy in this regard?”

Last Tuesday, the Trump administra­tion announced that it is canceling the Obamaera program. While neither a path to U.S. citizenshi­p nor to permanent resident status, the DACA program since 2012 has allowed participan­ts to study, work and live in the United States without fear of deportatio­n. With that protection being lifted, Congress has been given six months to find a solution.

The conservati­ve voters who dominate many GOP districts profess varying degrees of sympathy for the immigrants affected by Obama’s program and then Trump’s reversal. But these voters also are convinced that illegal immigratio­n is a drag on Americans’ economic opportunit­y, and they want the GOP-controlled Congress to stand with a president they see as defending U.S. workers and the rule of law.

That means members of Congress have little incentive to risk angering core supporters with any legislatio­n that can be branded as “amnesty.”

Anthony Pham immigrated to the United States in 1982 from Vietnam and became a citizen five years later, after President Ronald Reagan signed an immigratio­n law that sped the legalizati­on process for millions of new Americans.

Now a business owner and proud Republican in Georgia’s staunchly conservati­ve 10th Congressio­nal District, Pham says he supports maintainin­g legal status for young immigrants living in the United States illegally who were brought to the country as children.

“When they come here as children, they can become American citizens if they are good, not bad people,” Pham says of the 800,000 or so immigrants affected by Trump’s decision to phase out DACA put in place during the Obama administra­tion.

But Pham says that what Congress does — or doesn’t do — won’t change his support for the president or his congressma­n, outspoken conservati­ve Jody Hice.

“I am Republican. I am with Mr. Trump,” Pham says, sitting in the courthouse square barbershop he’s owned in Walton County since 1993.

Pham’s view echoes across Republican congressio­nal districts like Georgia’s 10th, a wide expanse of small towns between Atlanta and Augusta. And it highlights the political conundrum facing deeply divided Republican­s whom Trump has called on to craft some kind of legislativ­e solution, giving them an election-year deadline.

Fellow Republican Troy Trantham, 77, says immigrants are “getting the mine” while American workers “are getting the shaft.” That’s a biting version of a common argument here that immigrants, particular­ly those in the country illegally, get public benefits without paying taxes.

At the least, 73-year-old Frank Young says, “they’re taking American jobs.”

Hice won election in 2014 in part as an immigratio­n hard-liner appealing to voters such as Trantham and Young, who are representa­tive of the older, whiter electorate­s that dominate midterm elections, particular­ly in GOP-leaning districts.

Hice’s aides say he’s open to negotiatio­n on the immigrant program and that he doesn’t want to see a mass deportatio­n of its beneficiar­ies. But his campaign website still blasts “amnesty” and argues that illegal immigratio­n “drives up the cost of education, health care, police and judicial services and social services.”

Since Trump’s decision last week to end the Obama program, Hice has signed on to two Republican immigratio­n proposals. But those deal mostly with the process employers use to check the legal status of job applicants and do not explicitly address the plight of the young immigrants.

There are Republican­s in the Georgia district favoring a legislativ­e solution, including one who wants to challenge Hice next year.

“There needs to be a fix so these kids don’t have to look around the corner for an [Immigratio­n and Customs Enforcemen­t] agent every time they try to contribute to society,” says Joe Hunt, an executive with a restaurant franchisin­g business in Athens.

The local economic developmen­t chief, Shane Short, said he has “no personal opinion on DACA,” but he described the economy as “booming,” saying he’s managing proposed business deals totaling in the hundreds of millions of dollars in Walton County alone.

The total immigrant population in the district is small, with the Census Bureau measuring the foreign-born population at 5.4 percent, well below the national figure nearing 13 percent. That’s even though the district’s leading industry, agricultur­e, relies on considerab­le immigrant labor.

Hunt, Hice’s prospectiv­e primary opponent, said those realities pale in districts such as the Georgia 10th partly because they are drawn to conservati­ves’ advantage. So the representa­tives “sit around and take no action because they are afraid of getting hammered for amnesty.”

Indeed, the 10th is a district weighted to conservati­ves.

Athens-Clarke County, home to the University of Georgia, once anchored a competitiv­e congressio­nal district that elected moderate Democrats. But Republican­s divided Athens-Clarke into separate districts, diluting the influence of its liberal Democrats and moderate Republican­s.

Trump won Hice’s district with 61 percent of the vote in November, while Hice ran unopposed.

“It ought to take Congress 10 days to fix this, but this Congress couldn’t do it in 10 years,” Hunt said.

Hice’s and Trump’s most enthusiast­ic backers explain that they aren’t opposed to all immigrants.

“It’s just not an easy answer, if they came here when they were 6-years-old, or even babies,” said Gene Briscoe, an 82-year-old retiree in Monroe who voted for Trump.

John Bramblett, 74, says he worked with many immigrants in the constructi­on business and knows the local agricultur­e concerns depend on them as well.

And they both say they know local immigrants-turned-citizens, citing Pham and the families that run popular restaurant­s in town.

“They’re good people,” Briscoe said. After a pause, he adds, “They came legally.”

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