Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Struggle for Suffrage

Arkansas efforts go back as far as 1868

- TOM DILLARD Tom Dillard is a historian and retired archivist living near Glen Rose in rural Hot Spring County. Email him at Arktopia.td@gmail. com.

Acentury ago the women of Arkansas — or at least most of them — were anticipati­ng voting for the first time. The 1917 Legislatur­e adopted a measure allowing women to vote in state political party primary elections. This was three years before the U.S. Constituti­on was amended to enfranchis­e women nationally.

While Arkansas might have been a leader in women’s suffrage, it did not happen overnight. Interestin­gly and surprising­ly, farsighted men and women worked for political rights for women in Arkansas as early as the 1868 Reconstruc­tion-era constituti­onal convention.

I often cite the 1868 convention as a possible turning point in Arkansas history, one of those rare moments when circumstan­ce and opportunit­y met in a different sort of milieu following the Civil War. The old order had been swept aside. Young men from outside the state, some for venal and selfish reasons but others with a combinatio­n of idealistic and political motivation­s, found themselves serving in a convention to write a new charter for Arkansas.

One of these men was a young delegate from Clark County, Miles L. Langley. On the 29th day of the deliberati­ons, Langley proposed that “all citizens, twenty-one years of age, who can read and write the English language, shall be eligible to the elective franchise …” This thundercla­p was followed the next day with a spirited defense of his proposal, in which Langley said his wife was just as qualified as he to vote, and that he thought society treated women “with great injustice.”

Langley was hooted down by his fellow delegates, most notably by one of the few conservati­ve white Democrats who managed to win election, J. N. Cypert of White County. Cypert ridiculed Langley’s motion as threatenin­g “revolution­s in families.” The motion was quickly tabled, leaving Langley to complain that “the Democrats are my enemies because I assisted in emancipati­ng the slaves. The Republican­s have now become my opponents, because I have made an effort to confer on women their rights. And even the women themselves fail to sympathize with me.”

The demise of Reconstruc­tion in 1874 brought about the adoption of a new constituti­on, which though conservati­ve and reactive in many ways, did adopt a provision by Judge James W. Butler granting women the right to own property independen­tly of a husband. The next session of the legislatur­e adopted an “Act for the Protection of Married Women,” which enabled women to buy and sell property, to sue and be sued, and be held unaccounta­ble for a husband’s debt. Arkansas was among the early states to grant extensive rights to married women, but the right to vote was not one of them.

One of the interestin­g points to note when studying the history of women’s rights in Arkansas is the striking role played by northern-born wives and children of Reconstruc­tion Republican leaders. The movement to enfranchis­e women in Arkansas was a truly bipartisan effort, which brought together the formidable organizati­onal talents of Democratic-oriented women like Mary W. Loughborou­gh and Republican­s like Clara McDiarmid and Ida Joe Brooks, all of Little Rock. [Indeed, Ida Joe Brooks ran for state office in 1920 but was ruled off the ballot by an opinion of the incumbent state attorney general.]

The woman’s suffrage movement was centered in Little Rock, but pockets of activity occasional­ly arose in smaller towns, such as Forrest City, Eureka Springs, Hope and Stuttgart. The suffrage movement picked up steam as it found common cause with the women’s temperance campaign. In 1890 the Arkansas Prohibitio­n Party convention in Russellvil­le endorsed the enfranchis­ement of women. This alliance caused liquor forces to oppose women’s suffrage — which was wise, as it turned out.

By the 1911 legislativ­e session, women’s suffrage could be neglected no longer, and the House of Representa­tives witnessed a strongly argued debate on a motion to grant the vote to women. Ultimately the motion was tabled, but the debate had evolved to the point that respected Democratic legislator­s such as George P. Whittingto­n of Hot Springs had joined the movement. Many state Republican leaders, like stalwart Wallace Townsend, were strongly in favor of extending suffrage to women.

War clouds drifted across Europe as the Arkansas legislatur­e convened in 1917, perhaps adding to the suffragist cause. The suffragist­s also strengthen­ed their cause by adopting a new strategy in 1917. Realizing that almost all important elections in the South were decided in the Democratic Party primaries, suffragist­s convinced Rep. John A. Riggs of Garland County to sponsor a bill that would open the primaries to women voters.

Women from across the state mobilized for the 1917 effort. Women lobbied in many ways, “but the legislatur­e was not harassed by a large and conspicuou­s lobby.” The bill passed the House by a comfortabl­e 71 to 19 votes. The Senate, however, was another story.

On Feb. 27, 1917, the Senate convened before crowded galleries to consider the suffrage bill. After a spirited debate in which Sen. Walker Smith of Magnolia said women did not want the right to vote, the Senate adopted the bill by two votes, 17 to 15.

At least 40,000 women voted in the Arkansas Democratic primary in 1918. Both political parties began to elect women to party positions. Stella Brizzolara of Fort Smith was the first woman to serve on the Democratic State Committee. In 1920 Arkansans adopted a constituti­onal amendment granting women the right to vote in all elections, though the matter was subject to legal proceeding­s for several years.

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