Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Democrat clout in the mix for ’18

But parties’ internal divisions threaten bipartisan cooperatio­n

- ALAN FRAM Informatio­n for this article was contribute­d by Matthew Daly, Kevin Freking and Andrew Taylor of The Associated Press.

WASHINGTON — Their tax bill triumph in the rearview mirror, Republican­s running Congress face a 2018 in which they’ll need Democratic votes to get almost anything done.

But short of a few mustpass items, divisions within both parties plus a natural election-year tendency to draw distinctio­ns with the other side is seen jeopardizi­ng the likelihood of cooperatio­n.

The pressure will be on the GOP, which controls the White House, Senate and House and risks losing voters over any major mistakes. Since Republican­s will have just a 51-49 Senate majority next year — well shy of the 60 votes needed to pass most bills — Democrats will have leverage for most things, including a deal to prevent a January federal shutdown.

“There’s not much you can do on a partisan basis in the Senate,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., conceded to reporters Friday.

Topping McConnell’s immediate list will be a spending bill averting a shutdown and providing big boosts for the Pentagon. In exchange, Minority Leader Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., will be demanding comparable increases for domestic spending. Schumer also wants a deal to extend protection­s that President Donald Trump has threatened to halt for illegal aliens brought to the U.S. as children.

Factored into Democrats’ thinking: Their recent momentum-building successes swiping a Senate seat in Alabama, holding governorsh­ips in Virginia and New Jersey and unexpected­ly grabbing local legislativ­e seats. With Trump’s unpopulari­ty weighing down the GOP across the country, Republican­s face the risk of losing House and Senate control in the November midterm elections.

McConnell said he’ll be looking for bipartisan cooperatio­n on immigratio­n and an effort to ease parts of the Dodd-Frank law that regulates financial market, but Democrats won’t be eager to shake hands quickly.

“For Democrats, there’s no reason to cut a deal just for the sake of cutting a deal, especially with the Republican Party as weakened as it is right now,” said Jim Manley, a Democratic consultant.

Also in play in January will be money to keep nearly 9 million low-income children in all 50 states covered by the Children’s Health Insurance Program, an extension of a law allowing U.S. surveillan­ce of foreigners overseas and tens of billions of dollars for recovery from storms and other disasters in Texas, Florida, Puerto Rico and elsewhere.

Even as GOP leaders plot their broader 2018 agenda, they’ll need to cautiously seek a sweet spot between showing hard-core Republican voters that they’re pursuing conservati­ve goals and protecting their more centrist and vulnerable members from damaging votes.

That will be complicate­d by internal divisions. Already, McConnell and his House counterpar­t, Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., have appeared to be contemplat­ing divergent pathways.

Ryan, whose supporters are generally more conservati­ve than GOP senators, has talked about overhaulin­g benefit programs such as welfare, Medicaid and parts of Medicare. Reining those ever-growing programs has long been a priority for Ryan and his party, but targeting popular entitlemen­ts in an election year can be risky. McConnell signaled this week that he’s not likely to do that.

“We’ll not be doing entitlemen­t reform unless we have enough Democratic support to achieve it,” McConnell said in an interview.

The year just ending underscore­d the limits of unity within both parties.

Republican­s rallied around their tax overhaul, a primary plank of GOP ideology for decades. They also banded together to confirm the nomination­s of Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch and other top federal judges and to peel back 14 rules enacted during the final months of Barack Obama’s presidency dealing with guns, the Internet, education and the environmen­t.

But Republican­s splintered when it came to their failed effort to erase Obama’s health care law. And they face internal divides over issues like spending, where hardright members of the House Freedom Caucus can be single-minded in their desire to slash spending and defy leadership efforts to strike compromise­s inevitably needed with Democrats.

Democrats also face splits over how aggressive­ly to pursue their agenda, particular­ly immigratio­n.

While party leaders like Schumer work toward reaching an agreement with Republican­s, some liberals and members of the party’s Congressio­nal Hispanic Caucus accuse them of not being assertive enough.

In one telltale look at that rift, 17 Senate Democrats — including several seeking re-election next year from GOP-leaning states — voted Thursday for the bill that prevented a federal shutdown this weekend.

Twenty-nine Democrats voted no, including some of its most liberal members. They included Sherrod Brown of Ohio, New Jersey’s Cory Booker and Massachuse­tts’ Elizabeth Warren. Schumer joined them.

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