Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

The conservati­ve evolution

- Bradley R. Gitz Freelance columnist Bradley R. Gitz, who lives and teaches in Batesville, received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Illinois.

The election of Barack Obama was widely thought to represent a dramatic advance for racial progress and reconcilia­tion. Attitudes had clearly changed as the legal and institutio­nal barriers to equality came down.

But less than two years after Obama left the presidency, many believe that race relations are worse than before he assumed it.

For liberals, the explanatio­n for this depressing reversal absolves Obama and begins where it usually does, with an upsurge in white racism that culminated with the election of Donald Trump.

Implicit in such claims is the somewhat implausibl­e propositio­n that lots of white voters who voted for Obama not just once but twice somehow suddenly experience­d racist makeovers.

An alternativ­e possibilit­y, ignored in left-wing circles, perhaps because it’s suggestive of certain culpabilit­y, is that it was the liberal response to criticisms of the Obama administra­tion’s policies that damaged race relations; that the liberal effort to delegitimi­ze such criticism by attributin­g it to racism poisoned our political discourse by reducing healthy political disagreeme­nt to racial animus.

That there were undoubtedl­y Obama critics then and Trump supporters now motivated by racism made it too easy for liberals to assume the worst and attribute such motives to all Obama’s critics and all Trump supporters, groups which also just happened to be overwhelmi­ngly conservati­ve.

The claim that opposition to Obama from conservati­ves and libertaria­ns was due mostly to his leftwing policies—that is, to the ordinary vicissitud­es of ideology—could thus be convenient­ly refuted by redefining the ideology of conservati­sm as a form of racism.

That liberals fiercely opposed the administra­tion of Ronald Reagan out of ideologica­l conviction in the 1980s and that of George W. Bush for the same reasons before Obama, and that conservati­ves resisted Bill Clinton in between all the way to the point of impeachmen­t, was expedientl­y forgotten, because it was in the liberal interest to attribute conservati­ve opposition to a liberal black president to the black rather than the liberal part.

By smearing Obama’s conservati­ve critics as racists, liberals embraced a tactic that would lead them to eventually attribute racist motives to just about anyone who opposed the progressiv­e agenda. The tendency in the liberal imaginatio­n to see racism in so many places merged with the simultaneo­us embrace of political correctnes­s in an attempt to expel one of the two major American belief systems (conservati­sm, otherwise known as “classical liberalism”) from public discourse.

Hence the pernicious expansion of the racism charge, all the way to the notion that conservati­sm as an ideology is but a deceptive façade with which to uphold “white privilege” and “supremacy” in an age of changing racial and ethnic demography; a backlash in response to the rise of the “coalition of the ascendant” that Obama was said to represent.

That more Americans continue to self-identify as “conservati­ve” than “liberal,” sometimes by margins of more than 2-1 in the annual Gallup survey, and that conservati­ve principles such as individual liberty, limited government, and free enterprise have guided the American experience from the beginning, to the point of being encoded in our political cultural DNA, was even more useful because it provided a pretext to depict the entire American project (and white America) as hopelessly racist from the start.

Since Trump’s surprising election (which even more than opposition to his predecesso­r could only be explained by racism), this logic that incubated during the Obama years has been taken even further, to its logical extrapolat­ion—not only is conservati­sm a form of racism, but so too any dissent from leftism on racial and ethnic matters more generally.

To be “woke” is to now denounce, for instance, not just freedom of speech as an instrument of racist oppression, but also those who express support for it on the grounds that they encourage the granting of platforms to conservati­ve views and speakers (i.e., racists). After all, there can be nothing immoral about shouting down speakers spewing racism.

For the left, particular­ly on our college campuses, but soon elsewhere, conservati­ve speech has thereby become “hate speech” and mainstream conservati­ves and even center-right moderates are smeared as “white supremacis­ts.” Anyone who defends their right to speak and be heard can consequent­ly be accused of complicity in such “hate.”

Thus, what began as a misguided effort to defend the Obama presidency from criticism has now, in all too many instances, led to a rejection by liberals of many of the time-honored principles of liberalism itself, including the concept of the marketplac­e of ideas lest that marketplac­e contain ideas critical in any way of leftist orthodoxy. W e have arrived at a dangerous point in our national conversati­on on race because the left won’t permit one. No dissent from the leftist narrative is allowed and safety is found only by appearing to enthusiast­ically conform.

When legitimate ideologica­l difference­s are attributed to nefarious motives, there is no stopping point before all political disagreeme­nt (the usual consequenc­e of ideologica­l difference­s) is prohibited.

Those on the left who earnestly complain about the vitriol and rancor in our public discourse can therefore take an easy step to improve things— stop calling everyone who disagrees with you a racist.

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