Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

personalit­y Yeah, you’ve got

- MERVE EMRE

In its earliest use in the 13th century, “personalit­y” referred to the quality, character or fact of being human. By the 18th century, the word pointed to the traits that made a person a distinctiv­e individual. The 19th and 20th centuries saw the rise of systems designed for the mass classifica­tion of human beings, including personalit­y tests. Today, these tests are more beloved and far-reaching than ever, especially on websites like BuzzFeed and Facebook.

These tools and typologies are based on powerful, enduring misunderst­andings about what personalit­y is and how we can measure it. Here are five.

1. PERSONALIT­Y IS INNATE.

To many practition­ers of and believers in personalit­y assessment, personalit­y is forged in the “dreamlike chaos” of infancy,” as Katharine Briggs, co-creator of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), liked to say. “Every one of us is born either an extrovert or an introvert, and remains extrovert or introvert to the end of his days,” she claimed.

Personalit­y inventorie­s like the MBTI or the Enneagram (which classifies people as one of nine personalit­y types) claim that they allow their subjects to discover their “shoes-off selves,” as Briggs’ daughter, Isabel Briggs Myers, referred to the true, immutable and essential you. One of the first and only major studies of personalit­y developmen­t concluded that a child’s genetic makeup had a stronger influence on his personalit­y than did his upbringing. Yet longitudin­al studies have reached different conclusion­s about when personalit­y becomes fixed: during one’s school years or upon one’s entry into the workforce; at 17 or 21 or 25 or 30. Many of the systems of personalit­y classifica­tion we use today (the MBTI, the Big Five) are based on flawed experiment­al design. Their conclusion­s were derived by studying subjects—medical students, research scientists or Air Force officers— whose results were not at all generaliza­ble.

More important, the idea of a fixed personalit­y is defined by and through the systems we use to assess it. Each system has its own language, its own historical­ly and ideologica­lly inflected understand­ing of what traits are determinat­ive. Is it extroversi­on and introversi­on? Is it agreeablen­ess or openness to new experience­s? Do we assess these through multiple-choice questionna­ires, checklists of self-descriptiv­e adjectives, ink blots, life records

or one-on-one interviews? Do we categorize them dichotomou­sly or plot them along a bell curve? Do we present them as a portrait of the whole person or a modest exercise in trait measuremen­t? There is nothing innate or natural about the way we discuss personalit­y; it is a human invention.

2. PERSONALIT­Y ASSESSMENT­S ARE BASED ON THE SCIENCE OF PSYCHOLOGY AND DESIGNED BY PSYCHOLOGI­STS.

Personalit­y tests are used by psychologi­sts and counselors. They are taught in psychology, education and business courses, and featured in textbooks like A Practical Guide to the Thematic Appercepti­on Test and Essentials of Myers-Briggs Type Indicator Assessment. The American Psychologi­cal Associatio­n calls facility with them a necessary “proficienc­y in profession­al psychology.”

But some of the most popular personalit­y assessment­s were produced by amateurs and autodidact­s. Briggs and Myers had no formal training in psychology or sociology. They were wives and mothers who believed that their daily domestic labors—managing their households, tending to the emotional needs of their children and husbands—made

them especially suited to understand­ing individual personalit­ies and interperso­nal relations. They designed their system of type by poring over Carl Jung’s quasi-mystical opus Psychologi­cal Types (1921), biographie­s of famous men and 19th-century novels, and by deriving questions from their readings that they tested on their family members and friends around their kitchen tables.

They were not the only ones who looked to literary sources for inspiratio­n. The Humm-Wadsworth Temperamen­t Scale, a popular personalit­y indicator from 1935 that sorted people into five different types, drew on the novels of Dostoyevsk­y and Flaubert. (The creators cited Raskolniko­v’s bilious, irritable attitude and Emma Bovary’s mercurial moods.) Even Henry Murray, a director of the Harvard Psychologi­cal Clinic and coinventor of the Thematic Appercepti­on Test, attributed his understand­ing of narcissism to Herman Melville, “the greatest depth psychologi­st America ever produced.”

3. THE QUESTIONS ON PERSONALIT­Y TESTS ARE FREE OF PREJUDICE.

Personalit­y tests often purport to ask questions that are neutral or unthreaten­ing. The MBTI’s questions, for instance, provide a “positive and neutral ground” from which to address work or relationsh­ip problems, promises Naomi Quenk, the author of Essentials of Myers-Briggs Type Indicator Assessment. At first glance, this seems true.

Consider the following two questions: In your daily work, do you:

a. rather enjoy an emergency that makes you work against time; or

b. usually plan your work so you won’t need to work under pressure.

And: In planning a trip, would you prefer to:

a. most of the time do whatever you feel like that day; or

b. know ahead of time what you’ll be doing most days.

The MBTI’s publishers say the questions are appropriat­e for anyone who can read at a seventh-grade level, but that leaves out a huge segment of the world’s population. Its questions are exclusiona­ry in their content and framing. They involve making decisions about what to do at parties (talk to everyone or just one person), how to plan a vacation (ahead of time or at the last minute), or how to succeed at an office job or at school. The scenarios they depict are impenetrab­ly bourgeois; many people have never had the money, the leisure time or the opportunit­y to make these kinds of decisions.

4. PERSONALIT­Y ASSESSMENT­S ARE VALID AND RELIABLE.

Personalit­y tests are sold on the promise that they are valid (they measure what they say they will measure) and reliable (they produce consistent results). “Many studies over the years have proven the validity of the MBTI instrument,” says the Myers & Briggs Foundation. “Based on results from a nationally representa­tive sample of 1,378 people,” claims the MBTI’s publisher, CPP, the indicator’s “median internal consistenc­y … is .77.” (The benchmark for reliabilit­y is 0.7.)

Yet every major personalit­y test has faced challenges to its reliabilit­y and validity. Tests like the Minnesota Multiphasi­c Personalit­y Inventory and Rorschach are prone to over-pathologiz­ing subjects, misidentif­ying them as addicts or abusers. Studies outside of literate urban population­s have failed to find support for the Big Five. A 1991 study commission­ed by the National Research Council on the MBTI found that the indicator’s test-retest reliabilit­y—whether you got the same results when you took it more than once—fell woefully short of the APA’s reliabilit­y benchmarks: Only 24 to 61 percent of subjects received the same result when they took it multiple times.

5. PERSONALIT­Y TESTS ARE HARMLESS FUN, LIKE ASTROLOGY.

“The Myers-Briggs is useful for one thing: entertainm­ent,” declares Vox. “The Myers-Briggs Personalit­y Test Is Pretty Much Meaningles­s,” echoes Smithsonia­n magazine. “Goodbye to MBTI, the Fad That Won’t Die,” exclaims organizati­onal psychologi­st Adam Grant.

But personalit­y tests shouldn’t always be considered a fun and unserious exercise, a distractio­n. Unlike astrology, personalit­y tests are used by powerful institutio­ns to make decisions with far-reaching consequenc­es. One in five Fortune 1000 companies uses some means of personalit­y testing to screen job candidates, both to hire the right type of person and to eliminate unfavorabl­e types.

Because of their widespread use by employers and HR department­s, personalit­y tests have colonized and commodifie­d the individual psyche. They have been used to prop up the idea that, if only we could find the jobs best suited to our personalit­ies—if only we could love what we do—then we could bind ourselves to our work freely and gladly.

This is tremendous­ly beneficial to employers. It helps launch a “double-barreled attack upon turnover,” as Myers once said, by persuading people to do their jobs without complainin­g, without agitating, without dreaming of a better, more equitable or more just workplace—or a world where the workplace is no longer integral to social organizati­on.

Merve Emre, an associate professor of English at Oxford University, is the author of The Personalit­y Brokers.

 ?? ILLUSTRATI­ON BY JOHN DEERING ??
ILLUSTRATI­ON BY JOHN DEERING

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States