Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

China steps up its tech push

Communist nation to invest billions in go-it-alone plan

- PAUL MOZUR AND STEVEN LEE MYERS

China is freeing up tens of billions of dollars for its tech industry to borrow.

It is cataloging the sectors where the United States or others could cut off access to crucial technologi­es. And when its leaders released their most important economic plans earlier this month, they laid out their ambitions to become an innovation superpower beholden to none.

Anticipati­ng efforts by the Biden administra­tion to continue challengin­g China’s technologi­cal rise, the country’s leaders are accelerati­ng plans to go it alone, seeking to address vulnerabil­ities in the country’s economy that could thwart its ambitions in a wide range of industries, from smartphone­s to jet engines.

China has made audacious and ambitious plans before — in 2015 — but is falling short of its goals. With more countries becoming wary of China’s behavior and its growing economic might, Beijing’s drive for technologi­cal independen­ce has taken on a new urgency. The country’s new five-year plan, made public recently, called tech developmen­t a matter of national security, not just economic developmen­t, a break from the previous plan.

The plan pledged to increase spending on research and developmen­t by 7% annually, including the public and private sectors. That figure was higher than budget increases for China’s military, which is scheduled to grow 6.8% next year, raising the prospect of an era of looming Cold War-like competitio­n with the United States.

The spending pledges follow four tumultuous years during which former President Donald Trump rattled — and angered — the Communist Party leadership under Xi Jinping by restrictin­g access to U.S. technology for some of its corporate giants, including Huawei.

The experience has hardened a view that the United States, even under a new administra­tion, is determined to undercut the country’s advancemen­t and that China can no longer rely on the West for a stable supply of the technologi­es that help drive its economic growth.

“The United States, which has already climbed to the summit, wants to kick away the ladder,” Zhang Xiaojing, an economist with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, wrote on the eve of the legislativ­e meetings now underway in Beijing.

SEMICONDUC­TORS

The road to the “global peaks of technology,” as Xi has described China’s aspiration­s, is decidedly uphill. The government had previously set out to spend 2.5% of gross domestic product on research and developmen­t in the past five years, but actual expenditur­es failed to reach that target.

One sector that China has struggled with is microchips, which much of its electronic­s production relies on. Bewilderin­gly complex production has stymied Chinese businesses, which instead import the majority of the semiconduc­tors they require. Despite tens of billions of dollars invested, China’s domestic chip production met only 15.9% of its chip demand in 2020, barely higher than the 15.1% share it accounted for in 2014, according to IC Insights, a U.S. semiconduc­tor research firm.

China’s premier, Li Keqiang, recently detailed proposals to accelerate the developmen­t of high-end semiconduc­tors, operating systems, computer processors, cloud computing and artificial intelligen­ce.

“I think they’re really worried,” said Rebecca Arcesati, a tech analyst with the Mercator Institute for China Studies in Berlin. “They know that without access to those technologi­es, they won’t be able to reach their targets.”

The new strategy, to a degree, rebrands the country’s previous Made in China 2025 campaign, which sought to propel it to the lead in a range of cutting-edge technologi­es. It broadly set out to produce 70% of the core components that Chinese manufactur­ers needed by 2025. The plan scared trade partners and contribute­d to a punishing trade war with the United States.

“China wants to reduce its dependency on the world — not to reduce its trade and interactio­n but to ensure that it is not vulnerable to the kind of strategic blackmail against China that it has historical­ly used against others,” said Daniel Russel, a former U.S. diplomat who is now a vice president at the Asia Society Policy Institute.

A confrontat­ion has been brewing for more than a decade. Long-held Chinese policies to winnow reliance on foreign tech got a boost in 2013, after disclosure­s by Edward Snowden about National Security Agency hacks that relied on U.S. firms.

U.S. companies have long complained about policies mandating tech transfer. Chinese government-backed hacks aimed at American intellectu­al property have further raised tensions. China has in the past used corporate espionage to support economic interests, including in the high-tech fields that the government is now making a priority.

The latest intrusion against business and government agencies used Microsoft email systems and was discovered last weekend. Tentativel­y linked to Chinese hackers, it is likely to sharpen a divide that could split the tech world.

In recent weeks, Chinese officials have repeatedly emphasized the danger of “choke points” where the United States controls key foundation­al technologi­es. At a news conference in Beijing, Xiao Yaqing, who leads the Ministry of Industry and Informatio­n Technology, announced a review of 41 sectors for “empty spots” that could cause the tech supply chain to break “during crucial times.”

Beijing is backing this effort with money and rhetoric.

A ‘CHINESE SYSTEM’

China Developmen­t Bank, the country’s policy lender, said last week that it was preparing over $60 billion in loans for more than 1,000 firms key to strategic innovation and had raised $30 billion for a new government-backed microchip investment fund.

A Chinese Academy of Engineerin­g official, Ni Guangnan, wrote recently that the country should create a “Chinese system” that could supplant the combined systems of Intel, Microsoft, Oracle and others that have historical­ly dominated computing. China should also increase the world’s reliance on its telecom infrastruc­ture technology to “form a powerful deterrent” against future embargoes, he added.

The tech supply chain remains hugely complex and resolutely global, and too much meddling in the markets can have unforeseen consequenc­es, experts have warned. Top-down jockeying by the United States and China over microchips has, in part, triggered a chip shortage that recently hit the auto industry.

Neither country can imminently attain true self-reliance in the myriad cuttingedg­e technologi­es required to run a modern economy and military. In place of overarchin­g policies, a proxy fight is emerging, with both sides working to secure missing pieces that come from other countries.

Many U.S. allies have been happy to see their companies take advantage of a Chinese market increasing­ly emptied of U.S. companies.

Earlier this month, ASML, a Dutch company that makes the tools required to massproduc­e microchips, said it had extended a contract to provide equipment to China’s largest semiconduc­tor-maker, even though Washington put the firm, known as SMIC, on a blacklist last year. The extension did not break any restrictio­ns but showed how there are limits to the United States’ ability to cut off supplies.

BUYING TIME

Decisions like that could continue to frustrate President Joe Biden, who has cast China as the country’s most significan­t foreign policy challenge. China hopes to undercut U.S. efforts to isolate it by entwining itself with major economies, including those politicall­y allied with the United States.

“They’re certainly speaking and acting with a view of discouragi­ng third countries from joining any posse the United States might organize against China,” Russel of the Asia Society Policy Institute said. The goal is to buy “time needed by China to seal up the remaining vulnerabil­ities in its armor.”

Whatever hopes Chinese leaders had about a diplomatic reset after the Trump years appear to have already waned.

Biden’s first conversati­on with Xi lasted about two hours and, according to the White House, included discussion­s about “Beijing’s coercive and unfair economic practices.”

At home, Biden has warned that the United States needs to keep up with China on investment­s in infrastruc­ture, some in support of tech industries, including electric vehicles.

“If we don’t get moving, they’re going to eat our lunch,” he said while making the case for the $1.9 trillion economic stimulus plan.

The phrase echoed one he had made as a candidate only two years before — to dismiss the challenge posed by China.

“China’s going to eat our lunch?” he said while stumping in Iowa in 2019. “C’mon, man!”

 ?? (AP/Mark Schiefelbe­in) ?? A visitor uses a microscope to look at a microchip on display by the state-controlled Tsinghua Unigroup project at the 21st China Beijing Internatio­nal High-tech Expo in Beijing in 2018.
(AP/Mark Schiefelbe­in) A visitor uses a microscope to look at a microchip on display by the state-controlled Tsinghua Unigroup project at the 21st China Beijing Internatio­nal High-tech Expo in Beijing in 2018.
 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States