Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Justices take up wedding websites case

Graphic artist fighting Colorado for right to decline gay marriage design work

- COMPILED BY DEMOCRAT-GAZETTE STAFF FROM WIRE REPORTS

LITTLETON, Colo. — Congress is on the verge of providing landmark federal recognitio­n of same-sex marriage. But the Supreme Court is hearing a case this week involving a Christian graphic artist who objects to designing wedding websites for same-sex couples. Liberal groups say ruling for the designer will expose not only same-sex couples but also Black people, immigrants and others to discrimina­tion. Conservati­ve groups argue that ruling against her will force artists to do work that is against their faith.

In Colorado, residents last year saw their history-making governor, Jared Polis, marry first gentleman Marlon Reis in an intimate ceremony still grand enough to merit high society coverage. But last month, the LGBTQ community and the nation were shocked when a gunman stormed a gay nightclub in Colorado Springs, shooting dozens of patrons and killing five.

Some wonder how the state has come to play such a prominent role in the Supreme Court’s considerat­ion of whether same-sex marriage will be treated differentl­y from traditiona­l marriage.

The Colorado legislatur­e never approved same- sex marriage; instead, it was decreed by federal courts. But far earlier, by 2008, the state had outlawed discrimina­tion against gay people in housing, public accommodat­ion and employment, and it establishe­d civil rights protection­s on the basis of gender identity.

“It is really wild to think about how far we’ve come,” said Garrett Royer, the director of One Colorado, an advocacy group for the LGBTQ

community. But he added that he thinks the success of the movement has made the state something of a target.

“I think the conservati­ve movement is looking at, how do we chip away at this very progressiv­e nondiscrim­ination law in Colorado?” Royer said. “And that has implicatio­ns at the national level to take back these protection­s.”

In an interview, Lorie Smith declined to answer whether she thinks same-sex marriage should be legal, and she said her case is personal, not political. She works for LGTBQ clients on other topics, she said. A victory for her, she said, would be just as valuable to a gay artist who does not want to create for a cause in which she does not believe.

Smith’s case follows that of Colorado baker Jack Phillips, who objected to creating a wedding cake for a gay couple. The couple sued, but the case ended with a limited decision. Phillips’ lawyer, Kristen Waggoner, is back before the high court today arguing for Smith.

Smith wants to begin offering wedding websites, but she says her Christian faith prevents her from creating websites celebratin­g samesex marriages. That could get her in trouble with state law. Colorado, like most other states, has a public accommodat­ion law that says if Smith offers wedding websites to the public, she must provide them to all customers. Businesses that violate the law can be fined, among other things.

Smith, for her part, says Colorado’s law violates the Constituti­on’s First Amendment by forcing her to express a message with which she disagrees.

Among Smith’s other opponents are the Biden administra­tion and 20 mostly Democratic- leaning states including California, New York and Pennsylvan­ia. The states told the court in one of 75 legal briefs filed by outside groups in the case that accepting Smith’s arguments would allow for widespread discrimina­tion.

“A bakery whose owner opposed mixed-race relationsh­ips could refuse to bake wedding cakes for interracia­l couples,” the states said. A “real estate agency whose owner opposed racial integratio­n could refuse to represent Black couples seeking to purchase a home in a predominan­tly white neighborho­od; or a portrait studio whose proprietor opposes interracia­l adoption could refuse to take pictures of white parents with their Black adopted children.”

The case comes before a court much changed since the 2018 decision, which left the Colorado law undisturbe­d but said officials enforced it unfairly against Phillips because of religious bias on the part of some.

Justice Anthony Kennedy, who wrote that thread-the-needle opinion as well as the court’s landmark decisions on gay rights, including marriage, has retired. Also gone is a dissenter in the Phillips case, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. She was the first justice to officiate at a same-sex wedding and was an advocate who warned that treating same-sex couples differentl­y from opposite- sex ones would afford the new unions only a “skim-milk” version of marriage.

Kennedy and Ginsburg were replaced by more-conservati­ve justices on a court that has been protective of free speech rights and increasing­ly sympatheti­c to challenges brought by religious interests.

Waggoner, the president, chief executive and general counsel of Alliance Defending Freedom, the conservati­ve organizati­on representi­ng Smith, said the court need not break new ground to rule for the businesswo­man.

“Public accommodat­ion laws and the First Amendment have coexisted peacefully for years and years, for decades,” Waggoner said in an interview. “This case isn’t about whether they will continue to do so; it’s just about whether the court will continue to follow the precedent that’s already set.”

Waggoner’s brief relies on seminal First Amendment cases that found that the government may not, in her words, “compel speakers to endorse certain messages and eschew others.”

In 1995, the court unanimousl­y ruled — in Hurley v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Group of Boston — that a public accommodat­ion law could not be used to compel organizers of Boston’s St. Patrick’s Day parade to admit a gay rights group. And Waggoner’s brief begins with the court’s famous 1943 decision that Jehovah’s Witnesses students in West Virginia could not be compelled to salute the flag or recite the Pledge of Allegiance.

Colorado’s law “turns those principles upside down, such that artists must now speak government-sanctioned messages, stop speaking their own preferred message, or leave the market in which they hope to participat­e,” Waggoner writes.

Colorado responds that even if the websites Smith wants to produce are expressive — she has not actually accepted commission for one to avoid running afoul of the law — she is conflating free speech with selling a product. The state’s residents should not have to worry about whether a business will reject them “because of who they are.”

The law’s applicatio­n “does not turn on what a business chooses to sell,” Weiser writes in the state’s brief. “It simply requires that, once a business offers a product or service to the public, the business sells it to all.”

Smith, the state says, is free to offer “only websites that include biblical quotes describing marriage as the union of one man and one woman.” But then the company “must sell whatever it offers to customers regardless of their race, religion, sexual orientatio­n, or other protected characteri­stic … Both believers and atheists can choose to buy its websites with biblical quotes.”

The state says that Smith proposes to post on her company website the message that “I will not be able to create websites for same-sex marriages or any other marriage that is not between one man and one woman.”

Under Colorado’s protection of gay citizens, Weiser wrote, “this amounts to an announceme­nt of illegal discrimina­tion similar to a ‘white applicants only’ sign.”

It is also not enough that other companies would provide similar marriage services to same- sex couples, the state says. The court made that clear decades ago, ruling against a motel that wanted to serve only White guests and a restaurant owner who said an integrated dining room would violate his religious beliefs.

Smith’s lawyer responds that “throwing in racism is simply an attempt to shut down the debate and frankly it’s offensive to malign people like that.” She said Smith would create a website for an interracia­l couple or an interfaith couple – so long as the couple was heterosexu­al.

What matters, Waggoner said, is not whether Smith is creating speech for profit — “our First Amendment rights aren’t contingent on whether you’re trying to earn a living’ — but that it is a custom project that reflects Smith’s beliefs.

Even a finished product might be protected, Waggoner said: Think of the rock star who doesn’t want his recorded songs played at the rallies of a politician he abhors.

Smith is supported by a long list of religious organizati­ons and academics who say creating custom speech is different from past public accommodat­ion cases.

Law professors Dale Carpenter, a supporter of gay rights, and Eugene Volokh, a First Amendment specialist, said in a friend of the court brief that a line can be drawn. On the protected side are those who create expression related to weddings: “web site creators, writers, photograph­ers, painters, singers, and similar speakers.” On the other, those who perform distinct activities “such as baking, clothing design, architectu­re, and other media.”

Brianne Gorod of the Constituti­onal Accountabi­lity Center, representi­ng a group of law professors, hypothesiz­ed examples of what could happen if Smith succeeds at the high court.

“A web designer could refuse to create a web page celebratin­g a female CEO’s retirement — violating Colorado’s prohibitio­n on sex discrimina­tion — if he believed all women have a duty to stay home and raise children. Similarly, a furniture-maker — who considers his furniture pieces to be artistical­ly expressive — could refuse to serve an interracia­l couple if he believed that interracia­l couples should not share a home together. Or an architect could refuse to design a home for an interfaith couple,” she told the court.

The state of Colorado is supported by the Justice Department, which, under the Biden administra­tion, has switched its position since the Phillips case. Also supporting Colorado are the free-speech-defending American Civil Liberties Union and others.

The Colorado law does not deserve the court’s most exacting scrutiny, the ACLU says, because it is aimed at making services open to all, not censoring Smith’s opinions about marriage.

The critical inquiry, the organizati­on says, “is not whether a business’s act is expressive, as 303 Creative insists, but whether the government’s interest in regulating it is aimed at expression.”

In an interview, Lorie Smith declined to answer whether she thinks same-sex marriage should be legal, and she said her case is personal, not political. She works for LGTBQ clients on other topics, she said. A victory for her, she said, would be just as valuable to a gay artist who does not want to create for a cause in which she does not believe.

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