Orlando Sentinel (Sunday)

Far-right views a struggle for faith leaders after Jan. 6 riot investigat­ion

- By Desiree Stennett

When a throng of pro-Donald Trump rioters descended on the U.S. Capitol in an attempt to halt his electoral defeat, some wore tactical gear or gas masks, while others used bear spray, swung flag poles or wielded Tasers as they battled with police.

Others came with Bibles. At least one demonstrat­or brought a large wooden cross, while others toted campaign-style signs for “Jesus 2020” and other messages purporting that their cause was sanctified by God. Some reportedly described their struggle as akin to the opening salvo of a holy war.

Among those arrested for roles in the riot were the leaders of two small Central Florida churches, one of whom has since launched a YouTube channel, dubbing himself the “Patriot Pastor.”

The conflation of pro-Trump and Christian rhetoric reflects a resurgent trend that has prompted concern from faith leaders in Central Florida and nationwide. Known as Christian nationalis­m, the philosophy’s adherents posit that God has blessed America above all other nations — which means an attack on America is equivalent to an attack on God.

During a panel discussion weeks after the riot, three white Orlando-area pastors answered yes without hesitation when asked if they had Christian nationalis­ts in their churches. They later likened Christian nationalis­ts and white nationalis­ts to “fraternal twins,” while moderator Jeremy Levitt of FAMU argued there was little difference between those and white supremacis­ts.

David Swanson, one of the panelists and the pastor of First Presbyteri­an Church in downtown Orlando, describes Christian nationalis­m as “idolatrous.”

“Our biblical theology has been co-opted by... those who are championin­g the idea that any conservati­ve Christian is actually a Christian nationalis­t and that we are putting America in a position that is higher than the Kingdom of God,” he said. “That is not at all biblical theology. That is not what a conservati­ve Christian would believe.”

Allowed to fester, Swanson and other pastors fear that Christian nationalis­t views can lead adherents to embrace extremist ideology, commit acts of violence or even revolt against the government. He and other local church leaders have tried varied approaches to reining in those views since the Capitol riot, with little success.

The pastors’ fears are validated by history. Exploiting Christiani­ty to justify violence has long been the practice of extremist groups, including the Ku Klux Klan, which manipulate­d Christian teachings in a way Klan leaders claimed could prove white superiorit­y.

In the 1960s, even evangelica­ls who expressed support for the cause of Civil Rights undermined it by embracing the “politics of church supremacy,” according to Jesse Curtis, religious historian and author of the upcoming book “The Myth of Colorblind Christians: Evangelica­ls and White Supremacy in the Civil Rights Era.”

They thought of racism as a “problem of the heart” and argued the church, not Congress, was the place to solve that problem.

“So white evangelica­ls begin to say, the solution is in the church, the solution is in the gospel but applying the gospel is actually going to lead one to be less race-conscious and less talkative about race, because if you’re a mature Christian you’re going to realize that race doesn’t matter when we’re all united in Christ,” Curtis said.

More recently, the far-right nationalis­t Proud Boys have been seen multiple times praying together moments before participat­ing in violent rallies. And on Jan. 6, many of those who traveled to Washington D.C. displayed Christian symbols as they stormed the Capitol.

Nationally and locally, white pastors who lead predominat­ely white evangelica­l churches but want to discuss social justice issues from their pulpits are now left to figure out how to slow the spread of nationalis­t views without alienating their congregati­ons.

“The confluence of events between George Floyd’s death, COVID and the political election have put extraordin­ary pressures on pastors across the board,” Swanson said. “You’re either doing too much, or you’re not doing enough. You’re either too woke, or you’re too Trumpian. And no matter what you say — and they definitely want you to say something — your people are always going to be bothered.”

Either way, religious historians say pastors who try to fight off extremist views often face insurmount­able resistance. Even those who try to expose their parishione­rs to unfamiliar perspectiv­es may find their jobs in jeopardy.

“Pastors have this idea that they are religious leaders, and they are shepherds of their flock, and that they can guide them into a different direction,” said Kristin Du Mez, a history professor at Calvin University, a Christian college in Michigan. “That rarely works.”

Instead, she said, pastors who push back against budding extremism are more likely to lose their posts or watch their church membership dwindle.

Still, white pastors in particular have a responsibi­lity to try, even at the risk of their jobs, said Levitt, the professor in Florida A&M University’s College of Law and founder of a human rights think tank, the Stono Institute for Democracy, Justice and Security, which hosted the Feb. 25 panel titled “Christian Nationalis­m and Domestic Terrorism: Fighting to redefine patriotism and the church in the 21st century.”

“There has never been a separation between violent white extremism and Christiani­ty as practiced in this country,” Levitt said, noting that Christian slave owners used the Bible to justify the brutality of slavery. “... Every Christian has the responsibi­lity to fight social evil. The Black church has been fighting so long. It’s time for the white church to help fight the evil that they helped create.”

Christian extremism at the Capitol

As hundreds of those accused of participat­ing in the Capitol riot were identified, photos and video from the day showed the religious leanings of the crowd.

Some brought along Bibles. Jacob Chansley, the fur-hat-wearing rioter and conspiracy theorist often called the “Qanon shaman,” led a Christian prayer from the Senate dais. Outside, many held signs with Christian sentiments, such as “Jesus saves” and “Jesus 2020.”

Hours after the riot, Leo Kelley, of Iowa, told LifeSiteNe­ws that the attempted insurrecti­on was “an appeal to heaven” adding that he was there for the Senate prayer and the rioter who led it “consecrate­d it to Jesus.”

In Central Florida, several of those facing charges were leaders at area churches. Pastor James “Jim” Cusick Jr., his son Casey Cusick, a minister, and David Lesperance were all members of Global Outreach Church of Melbourne. They are charged with entering restricted grounds, disorderly conduct and violent entry of the Capitol building.

Kevin Tuck, who was fired from his job as a Windemere police officer after his arrest on similar charges, still serves as senior pastor of The Lighthouse Church in Apopka. He has since created a YouTube channel where he refers to himself as the “Patriot Pastor” and espouses beliefs that mirror Christian nationalis­m.

In videos, Tuck repeats the lie that the 2020 election was stolen, talks about a coming “war,” spouts homophobic and anti-Black rhetoric and references the Bible in attempts to prove that his views have a basis in Christiani­ty.

Tuck did not agree to an interview but a representa­tive from his church responded to a request from the

Orlando Sentinel in an unsigned email refusing to participat­e in what they thought would be a “hit piece.”

“The church supports our Pastor,” the unnamed church representa­tive wrote. “We have no interest in speaking to the media.”

Swanson said after the riot, several members of First Presbyteri­an Church said they were “deeply disturbed” by what happened. So far, he said no members of his church have been

accused of participat­ing in the storming of the Capitol but said if it is later revealed that someone did, he would be “bothered” but would not shun that person.

“I would go to that person, I would talk to them about what happened,” Swanson said. “And I would try to share with them my support, my love and my care for them as I would any sinful human being. I would try to lead them back towards reconcilia­tion and restoratio­n.”

‘Transforma­tion of heart takes time’

Across the denominati­on, Presbyteri­an churches are overwhelmi­ngly white and Swanson’s is no different. He said despite his downtown location, his congregati­on is more than 96% white.

Still, he said he has long sought to be influenced by multicultu­ral perspectiv­es and would occasional­ly invite pastors from predominat­ely Black

churches to preach guest sermons. He said he prioritize­d diversity of perspectiv­es after the 2016 presidenti­al election stressed the nation’s racial fault lines.

The February panel discussion on Christian nationalis­m was the latest example of how race, religion and politics have become increasing­ly relevant to his pastoral role as his church members look for guidance in forming their beliefs on social justice issues.

After George Floyd’s death, he participat­ed in a massive prayer walk to mourn the horrific slaying. He was the only white pastor to speak at the event organized by a group of Black clergy.

Later, he interviewe­d two Black pastors and two Black business leaders in a series he called “We Stand Together.” In the video interviews, he asked the men to talk about how they grew up, their experience­s with discrimina­tion, their interactio­ns with police and whether they had ever been racially profiled.

Swanson held the discussion­s “just so that our congregati­on would know and understand,” he said.

“And that’s really what I was aiming at and what I’ve been trying to do since 2016,” Swanson added. It’s to give people who have grown up in traditiona­lly white communitie­s a greater, deeper understand­ing of how their African-American brothers and sisters have experience­d life in a different way than they have.”

He said big conversati­ons like this that happen in view of the whole congregati­on are important but can also be difficult, adding that he has “taken a lot of heat for that, for talking about Black Lives Matter from the pulpit.”

He said more organic one-on-one conversati­ons can be equally important, even if they may be seen as a “baby step” that won’t change the tide for the whole church.

“If all you do is bludgeon them with hard messages, I think they start to withdraw at the sight of your hand because they think you’re going to beat them,” Swanson said during the panel. “... Transforma­tion of heart is not always instant. Transforma­tion of heart takes time and it takes biblical understand­ing.”

‘Every pastor is afraid’

Even attempting to introduce more-inclusive views to a predominat­ely white evangelica­l congregati­on can be delicate work that can end a decades-long career as a pastor.

“Every pastor is afraid of losing their job because they haven’t been trained for anything else,” said Joel Hunter, former pastor of Northland

Church in Longwood. “Most of them think, ‘Well I’m a pastor. The next thing I can do is ask do you want fries with that?’ Pastors are notoriousl­y insecure about losing their jobs. So, it is going to be difficult for any pastor to address any controvers­ial topic.”

Back in 2012, Hunter was invited to pray during the Democratic National Convention. After the prayer, he said about 10% of his mostly white congregati­on — largely conservati­ve evangelica­l Christians — were gone overnight.

“The people who left, I thought we had a better relationsh­ip than that,” said Hunter, who also participat­ed in the Christian nationalis­m panel, as did Lead Pastor John Hampton of Journey Christian Church in Apopka. “I had taught them. I had prayed over their kids. I’ve visited them in the hospital. So you think, really? I mean, no matter where somebody is politicall­y, you’re going to leave? I thought we were friends.

“There was a real hurt there. But there’s also a realizatio­n that doing the right thing always comes at a price.”

As the leader of the church for nearly three decades, he eventually saw some of those who left return and he continued on as pastor. But Orlando’s greatest tragedy exposed another rift.

In the days after 49 people — mostly Latino and Black LBGTQ people — were killed at Pulse nightclub in 2016, Hunter was sure phone calls would start flooding in. Surely the shooting had touched his members or the community he served and they would need spiritual guidance through their shock and grief.

But the calls never came.

The crisis, for Hunter, became an “aha moment.”

“We’re the largest church in that territory and not one call came into to

me as a pastor out of that community?” he recalled asking himself at the time.

“Here I am, I’ve spent 32 years in the community and I don’t have one relationsh­ip in the LGBTQ community.”

He told his congregati­on that this would change. The following January, he launched what was meant to be a year-long series of discussion­s about race, gender, sexuality and scripture.

The church touched on the ills of racism, the need for gun control, the devastatio­n left in the wake of mass incarcerat­ion. Five months into his “year of introspect­ion,” Hunter invited guests to talk about how they had been treated by the Christian church when they came out as gay.

That May conversati­on ended the series. By October, Hunter, then-69, was out as pastor.

“I don’t think they fired me because I had gay people in the church,” Hunter said. “I was never asked to leave Northland but it became so uncomforta­ble that the elders said, ‘You know, why don’t you look for another role because you’re kind of getting older here and maybe we should start looking for another senior pastor.’ ”

In the end, Hunter not only left the pastoral role, he left Northland entirely to attend a different Longwood church and start a nonprofit focused on social justice issues.

Gus Davies, Northland’s interim pastor, said he admires his predecesso­r’s vision, calling the series Hunter launched “a turning point for our church.” But he also said the church’s next senior pastor likely will not have success if they follow in Hunter’s footsteps.

“I think the advantage Dr. Hunter had was his many years of pastoring this church and the reputation he had built within the community,”

said Davies, who for 23 years has been one of the few Black members of the church.

After about a year as interim pastor, he said he hasn’t built the same trust with the congregati­on. So instead of

attempting a series similar to Hunter’s 2017 effort, he has opted to focus on having one-on-one conversati­ons with church members who have questions about race and politics, when the opportunit­ies arise.

But when it comes to tamping down the current wave of Christian nationalis­m and white supremacy that can breed inside churches, Levitt said all pastors should be willing to risk their jobs.

If the evangelica­l church is to change, he said, “pastors need to be willing to preach to a congregati­on of one.”

 ?? RICARDO RAMIREZ BUXEDA/ORLANDO SENTINEL ?? The Rev. Dr. David D. Swanson, Senior Pastor and head of staff of First Presbyteri­an Church of Orlando on Oct. 14. Swanson and other pastors are grappling with the spread of Christian nationalis­m, an extremist belief that melds patriotism with faith.“That is not at all biblical theology. That is not what a conservati­ve Christian would believe,” he said.
RICARDO RAMIREZ BUXEDA/ORLANDO SENTINEL The Rev. Dr. David D. Swanson, Senior Pastor and head of staff of First Presbyteri­an Church of Orlando on Oct. 14. Swanson and other pastors are grappling with the spread of Christian nationalis­m, an extremist belief that melds patriotism with faith.“That is not at all biblical theology. That is not what a conservati­ve Christian would believe,” he said.
 ?? JOHN MINCHILLO/AP ?? In this Jan. 6 file photo, a man holds a Bible as Trump supporters gather outside the Capitol in Washington. The Christian imagery and rhetoric on view during the Capitol insurrecti­on are sparking renewed debate about the societal effects of melding Christian faith with an exclusiona­ry breed of nationalis­m.
JOHN MINCHILLO/AP In this Jan. 6 file photo, a man holds a Bible as Trump supporters gather outside the Capitol in Washington. The Christian imagery and rhetoric on view during the Capitol insurrecti­on are sparking renewed debate about the societal effects of melding Christian faith with an exclusiona­ry breed of nationalis­m.

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