Orlando Sentinel

Make citizenshi­p status part of Census?

- | By Hans von Spakovsky Guest columnist Hans A. von Spakovsky is a senior legal fellow at The Heritage Foundation. He is the coauthor of “Who’s Counting? How Fraudsters and Bureaucrat­s Put Your Vote at Risk” and “Obama’s Enforcer: Eric Holder’s Justice D

Should the 2020 census include a question about citizenshi­p status? Of course.

The Constituti­on requires an “actual Enumeratio­n” every 10 years, and it is essential that the enumeratio­n be an accurate, fair count of the total population, including the number of citizens and noncitizen­s. Knowing that distinctio­n is crucial, as we use census data to guide everything from the distributi­on of federal funding to enforcemen­t of the Voting Rights Act.

A citizenshi­p question was a standard — and non-controvers­ial — part of the census until 2010. The previous (2000) survey employed two different census forms: one short, one long. The long form contained additional questions — including a citizenshi­p question — to gather socioecono­mic informatio­n. It went to one out of every six households.

The long form was discontinu­ed after that 2010 census. The additional questions from that form were, instead, shifted over to the American Community Survey. The Census Bureau reports that, while it sends out the ACS “on a rotating basis through the decade,” only one in 38 households receives it.

In other words, the ACS goes to only a limited number of geographic areas and a much smaller share of the population than the long form it replaced. Still, the Census Bureau uses the data it collects to provide “estimates” of “demographi­c, social, economic and housing characteri­stics” for other geographic areas across the country. Why would we want to rely on estimates based on limited survey data when we can do an actual enumeratio­n?

Citizenshi­p informatio­n collected in the 2000 census was vital to our efforts to enforce the Voting Rights Act when I worked at the U.S. Department of Justice. When reviewing claims of whether the voting strength of minority voters was being diluted in redistrict­ing, it was essential to know the size of the

citizen voting age population. Without knowing citizenshi­p, for example, it is not possible to know what percentage of Hispanic voters are needed in a particular congressio­nal district to elect their candidate of choice, which is the key test under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. As the Justice Department noted in its Dec. 12, 2017, letter to the Census Bureau asking that the citizenshi­p question be reinstated, multiple federal courts have held the “citizen voting-age population is the proper metric” in such cases.

As a nation, we are currently engaged in a vigorous debate about immigratio­n. Having an accurate count of the number of noncitizen­s is obviously essential to an informed debate. Without that data, it is impossible to discuss numerous issues intelligen­tly — everything from how many immigrants we should accept every year, to whether chain migration should be maintained, extended, limited or ended.

Some claim that the question will deter people residing in the country illegally from responding to the census. But the citizenshi­p question on the ACS, which is currently used, simply asks whether the person is “a citizen of the United States.” If you answer “no,” the form does not ask you whether you are in the country legally or illegally. The long form previously used by the Census Bureau, such as the 1990 census, used the same question. There was no follow-up question about lawful status.

When designing a survey that is intended to give as accurate a picture as possible of the American body politic, more informatio­n is always better. Not only should the Census Bureau reinstate the citizenshi­p question, it should be on every census form sent to every resident of the nation in 2020.

An accurate count of the number of noncitizen­s is obviously essential to an informed debate.

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