Orlando Sentinel

Macron and Trump should partner vs. D.C.

- Rachel Marsden On the right Tribune Content Agency rachelmars­den.com

PARIS — President Donald Trump has hosted French President Emmanuel Macron at the White House this week for the first official state visit of the Trump presidency, prompting observers to speculate about which leader would most influence the other.

We’re all better off when France and America disagree. When they’re on the same page, we often end up with debacles such as Trump bombing Syria for almost purely symbolic reasons, followed by Macron breathless­ly addressing European Parliament to rationaliz­e riding shotgun with Britain in Trump’s foreign adventure. Macron’s attempt to explain why France succumbed to U.S. peer pressure, agreeing to almost entirely symbolic strikes on sovereign nation in the absence of aggression, was a sad display. What would former French leader Charles de Gaulle have done? Definitely not that.

During his election campaign, Macron evoked de Gaulle and his view of France’s role in the world as that of a power broker between superpower­s. If Macron has the same sort of aspiration­s, he isn’t off to a very good start.

On everything from Syria to the ongoing East-West power struggle with Russia, Macron has defaulted to the U.S. establishm­ent position. If Macron gets along with Trump as well as both men claim, then Macron should be leveraging that rapport to drive a wedge between Trump and the poor advice that he apparently has been getting from the Washington establishm­ent.

Macron cannot both kowtow to Washington, as he seems to do chronicall­y, and aspire to be the spiritual successor to de Gaulle, who establishe­d France as a world power through its independen­ce. De Gaulle insisted that France had to remain a nuclear power in order to maintain its sovereignt­y, and he pulled France out of the NATO military command during the Cold War in the belief that France’s role in the world was that of a respected arbiter between the American and Soviet superpower­s rather than that of a lapdog of one or the other.

Former French President Jacques Chirac followed the “Gaullist” model, developing and exploiting business opportunit­ies for France in voids left by America and/or Russia rather than simply riding shotgun with either superpower. This posture explained Chirac’s opposition to the U.S.-led war in Iraq, where France had establishe­d a business presence.

This strategy had also helped France become Syria’s second-largest trading partner at one time. Despite a period of turbulence in the relationsh­ip when Syria and neighborin­g Lebanon (also a key French ally) were at odds, France enjoyed a near-monopoly in Syria in business engagement and developmen­t. France’s decision to back a U.S.-led interventi­on in Syria against President Bashar Assad, upending the status quo, is incomprehe­nsible in light of France’s national interests in the country.

Macron would have done well to dissuade Trump from dropping a couple of hundred million dollars’ worth of missiles in Syria for little reason other than to stoke the war economy that now has to replace those missiles. Instead, Macron made France an enabler in this folly.

Macron has tried to convince Trump not to scrap the nuclear deal with Iran. Although it’s a multiparty agreement between Iran and six other countries that can’t simply be thrown away because the U.S. chooses to back out of it, an American withdrawal could still have a chilling effect on other nations’ business deals with Iran, creating fear that the U.S. government could discourage foreign companies from trying to do business in the Iranian market.

Macron may think that he can personally influence Trump, but he isn’t going to be able to make a dent in the machinery of the Washington establishm­ent. Macron’s role should be to support Trump with alternativ­es that run counter to convention­al wisdom in Washington, rather than enabling the status quo.

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