Orlando Sentinel

Who’s an independen­t contractor? Who’s an employee? We’ll see.

- By Paul Lopez

Are people who work with your business “independen­t contractor­s” or “employees?” The answer can be like the Florida weather: if you don’t like it, wait five minutes — or its business equivalent.

That’s how many companies must feel as they face a new rule issued by the Biden Department of Labor (DOL) on determinin­g independen­t contractor status under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA). That regulation rescinds a rule from the waning days of the Trump administra­tion, which had in turn narrowed a definition establishe­d under President Barack Obama in 2015.

But the rules for determinin­g employment versus contractor status aren’t just ever-shifting. They are also extraordin­arily complex and fact-specific. A recent analysis by a former DOL administra­tor overseeing the FLSA and another top employment law official estimated that there are “no fewer than 100 different federal and state statutes regulating worker classifica­tion under at least six different types of employment and tax laws.”

And while many employers believe they are insulated from liability if they require an individual to sign an independen­t contractor agreement, the truth is that any such agreement is irrelevant. What is germane is whether the relationsh­ip between the company and the individual meets the new factors implemente­d by the DOL.

The battle over classifyin­g independen­t contractor­s has been waged almost since the 1938 passage of FLSA, which establishe­d a federal minimum wage and time-and-ahalf pay for work above 40 hours in a week. Because of the federal law’s vague definition of “employee,” the Supreme Court in 1944 establishe­d an “economic reality” test employing six factors to determine how dependent the worker in question is on the business: the degree of “employer” control, the worker’s opportunit­y for profit or loss, the relationsh­ip’s permanency, whether the work is integral to the business, the need for special skills and the worker’s level and type of investment­s.

Now, with gig work in particular rising, advocacy groups express ever-greater concern about exploitati­on of workers misclassif­ied as independen­t contractor­s. Such misclassif­ication is argued to deprive them not only of FLSA rights due them, but also employer contributi­ons to Social Security, collective bargaining rights and workers’ and unemployme­nt compensati­on.

Even as employers increasing­ly finding themselves the subject of lawsuits — frequently class actions — over alleged misclassif­ication, state government­s like California and Massachuse­tts and DOL have gone to bat for ostensibly disadvanta­ged workers. The 2015 Obama-era rule assigned equal weight to all six factors identified by the Court, with the broader considerat­ions favoring a subjective determinat­ion that a worker is an employee. The simpler and more business-friendly Trump administra­tion rule put the focus on just two core factors — profit and loss opportunit­y and control — increasing the likelihood of confirming contractor status.

The new Biden regulation restores the Obama DOL’s broader set of considerat­ions, potentiall­y opening the door to voluminous litigation from individual­s and entire classes claiming employee status.

Interestin­gly, commentato­rs point out that two factors don’t seem to be part of the independen­t contractor versus employee determinat­ion at all. One is the desire of the actual workers. According to MBO Partners, full-time, part-time and occasional “independen­ts” now number 71.2 million and in five years will make up 33% of the workforce.

Of those independen­t contractor­s, 63% say it is entirely their choice to work independen­tly, with only 9% citing factors beyond their control and the rest a combinatio­n of the two. Nearly 80% are “very satisfied” being independen­t, with only 1% saying they were “very dissatisfi­ed.” Second, in addition to the costs to employers faced with new obligation­s and potential litigation, the new regulation­s could come at a high price to these very workers. One study has estimated that 3.43 million reclassifi­ed contractor­s would lose part-time or full-time jobs with net earnings losses of $42.1 billion, even considerin­g the gains some reclassifi­ed employees would realize as higher-paid employees.

The gathering storm is not certain to hit: Business groups, which were successful in delaying the rule, will likely challenge it again in court. Still, with the rule scheduled to take effect next month, companies should plan on keeping their fingers in the legal wind — and their employment lawyers on speed dial.

The battle over classifyin­g independen­t contractor­s has been waged almost since the 1938 passage of FLSA, which establishe­d a federal minimum wage and time-anda-half pay for work above 40 hours in a week.

Paul Lopez is COO and a director at Broward-based Tripp Scott law firm, where he concentrat­es his practice on complex commercial and business litigation and labor and employment/HR issues. He lives in Boca Raton.

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