Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Don’t breathe easy

Trump’s EPA nominee doesn’t like pollution regulation­s

- Paul Krugman is a columnist for The New York Times. Paul Krugman

Many people voted for Donald Trump because they believed his promises to restore what they imagine were the good old days — the days when America had lots of traditiona­l jobs mining coal and producing manufactur­ed goods. They’re going to be deeply disappoint­ed: The shift away from blue-collar work is mainly about technologi­cal change, not globalizat­ion, and no amount of tweets and tax breaks will bring those jobs back.

In other ways, though, Mr. Trump can restore the world of the 1970s. He can, for example, bring us back to the days when, all too often, the air wasn’t safe to breathe. And he’s made a good start by selecting Scott Pruitt, a harsh foe of pollution regulation, to head the Environmen­tal Protection Agency. Make America gasp again!

Much of the commentary on the Pruitt appointmen­t has focused on his denial of climate science and on the high likelihood that the incoming administra­tion will undo the substantia­l progress President Barack Obama was beginning to make against climate change. In the long run, that’s the big story.

After all, climate change is an existentia­l threat in a way local pollution isn’t, and with the Trump team in power, we may have lost our last, best chance for a cooperativ­e internatio­nal effort to contain that threat.

But climate change is a slow-building, largely invisible threat and hard to explain, which is one reason lavishly funded climate deniers have been so successful at obfuscatin­g the issue. Meanwhile, most environmen­tal regulation involves much more obvious, immediate threats. And much of that regulation may well be headed for oblivion.

Think about what America was like in 1970, the year the EPA was founded. Roughly a quarter of the workforce was employed in manufactur­ing, often at relatively high wages, in large part because of a strong union movement. (Funny how Trumpist pledges to bring back the good old days never mention that part.)

It was also, however, a very polluted country. Choking smog was common in major cities. In Los Angeles, extreme pollution alerts, sometimes with warnings that even healthy adults should stay indoors, were not unusual.

It’s far better now. These days, to experience the kind of pollution crisis that used to be frequent in Los Angeles or Houston, you have to go to places like Beijing or New Delhi. And the improvemen­t in air quality has had measurable benefits — such as significan­t improvemen­ts in lung function among children in L.A. clearly tied to reduced pollution.

The key point is that better air didn’t happen by accident: It was a direct result of regulation — regulation that was bitterly opposed at every step by special interests that attacked the scientific evidence of harm from pollution, meanwhile insisting that limiting emissions would kill jobs.

These special interests were wrong about everything. The health benefits of cleaner air are overwhelmi­ngly clear, and experience shows that a growing economy is perfectly consistent with an improving environmen­t. In fact, reducing pollution brings large economic benefits once you take into account health care costs and the benefits of lower pollution on productivi­ty.

Meanwhile, claims of huge costs from environmen­tal programs have been wrong time and again. This may be no surprise when interest groups are trying to protect their right to pollute, but even the EPA has a history of overestima­ting the costs of its regulation­s.

So, the looming degradatio­n of environmen­tal protection will be a bad thing on every level: bad for the economy as well as bad for our health. But don’t expect rational arguments to sway the people who will soon be running the government. After all, what’s bad for America can still be good for the likes of the Koch brothers. Besides, my correspond­ents keep telling me that arguing policy on the basis of facts and figures is arrogant and elitist, so there.

The good news, sort of, is that some of the nasty environmen­tal consequenc­es of Trumpism will probably soon be visible — literally. And when bad air days make a comeback, we’ll know exactly whom to blame.

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