Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

These tax cuts are dangerous

They are sufficient­ly deficit-financed to destabiliz­e our economy

- Robert E. Rubin Robert E. Rubin, a cochairman emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations, was U.S. treasury secretary from 1995 to 1999. He wrote this for The Washington Post.

The deficit-funded tax cuts approved by the House yesterday and soon to advance in the Senate would produce a fiscal tragedy for which our country would pay a huge price over time. While the details of the Senate tax plan remain in flux, its fundamenta­l contours will not change. Nor will its $1.5 trillion of deficit funding.

Perhaps it’s hopeless to expect those in Congress who have long bemoaned deficits and the debt to oppose the plan. If, however, as a matter of conscience or renewed reflection they decide to take heed, here are the fiscal dangers posed by the plan.

To start, the tax cuts will not increase growth and, given their fiscal effects, would likely have a significan­t and increasing­ly negativeim­pact. The nonpartisa­n Tax Policy Center’s latest report estimated that, over 10 years, the average increase in our growth rate would be roughly zero, counting the crowding out of private investment by increasing deficits but not counting other adverse effects of worsening our fiscal outlook. The Penn Wharton Budget Model, using the same approach, estimates virtually no increase in long-term growth. Goldman Sachs projects an increase of 0.1percent to 0.2 percent in the first couple of years and an average increase over 10years of just 0.05 percent per year, not counting any of the adverse fiscal effects.

These estimates reflect three underlying views held by mainstream economists. First, individual tax cuts will not materially induce people to work more. Second, corporate tax cuts will likely have limited effect on investment or decisions about where to locate business activity, given the many other variables at play. Third, deficitfun­ded tax cuts will have little short-term effect on growth, except perhaps for some temporary overheatin­g, because we are at roughlyful­l employment.

With no additional revenue from increased growth to offset the tax cuts’ cost, the publicly held debt of the federal government would increase by $1.5 trillion. An additional danger is that the actual deficit impact would be increased by abandoning the Congressio­nal Budget Office’s nonpartisa­n evaluation that has been used for decades by both parties in favor of partisan calculatio­ns by those pushing the tax cuts.

Adding $1.5 trillion or more to the federal debt would make an already bad situation worse. A useful measure of our fiscal position is the ratio of publicly held government debt to economic output or gross domestic product, called the debt/GDP ratio. In 2000, the debt/GDP ratio was 32 percent. The ratio is now 77 percent.

Looking forward, the CBO projects the debt/GDP ratio to be 91 percent in 2027 and 150 percent in 2047. After $1.5 trillion of deficitfun­ded tax cuts, those future ratios have been estimated toincrease to roughly 97 percent in 2027 and 160 percent in 2047. These estimates likely substantia­lly understate the worsening of our fiscal trajectory. That’s because they do not account for the increasing­ly adverse effect on growth of the difficult-to-quantify effects of fiscal deteriorat­ion.

Exacerbati­ng our already unsustaina­ble fiscal trajectory with these tax cuts would threaten growth in five respects. These are highly likely to be substantia­l and to increase over time.

First, business confidence would likely be negatively affected by creating uncertaint­y about future policy and heightenin­g concern about our political system’s ability to meet our economic policy challenges.

Second, our country’s resilience to deal with inevitable future economic and geopolitic­al emergencie­s, including the effects of climate change, would continue to decline.

Third, funds available for public investment, national security and defense spending — a professed concern of many tax-cut proponents — would continue to decline as debt rises, because of rising interest costs and the increased risk of borrowing to fund government activities.

Fourth, Treasury bond interest rates would be highly likely to increase over time because of increased demand for the supply of savings and increased concern about future imbalances. That, in turn, would raise private-sector interest rates, which could also increase due to widening spreads vs. Treasuries, further reflecting increased concern about future conditions. And even a limited increase in the debt/GDP ratio could focus attention on our fiscal trajectory’s longignore­d risks and trigger outsize increases in Treasury and private-sector interest rates. The ability to borrow in our own currency, and to print it through the Federal Reserve, may diminish these risks for a while, as might capital inflows from abroad. But these mitigating factors have their limits; at some point, unsound fiscal conditions almost surely would undermine our currency and debt markets.

Finally, at some unpredicta­ble point, fiscal conditions — and these market dynamics — would likely be seen as sufficient­ly serious to cause severe market and economic destabiliz­ation.

We have an imperative need to address our unsustaina­ble longer-term fiscal trajectory with sound economic policies. Few elected officials want to face this fact, but, at the very least, they should not make matters worse. We can only hope that responsibl­e elected officials will prevent this irresponsi­ble tax plan from being adopted.

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