Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

To be a conservati­ve: Five principles

The movement defined by Buckley remains strong, if not accurately labeled

- Keith C. Burris is editor and vice president of the Post-Gazette, and editorial director for Block Newspapers (kburris@post-gazette.com).

People love political labels and, these days, the labels are fully weaponized. An opponent of Pittsburgh lawyer David Porter’s nomination for the 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals called him a “right wing ideologue.”

His hearings will tell the tale, but he does not seem to be “right wing,” or an ideologue. Perhaps he is merely a conservati­ve, which is a very different matter.

And though a few on the left will always react viscerally (and sometimes viciously) to anyone not also of the left, and will conflate conservati­sm with ideology and the forces of reaction, conservati­sm is actually, anti-ideologica­l and anti-reactionar­y. American conservati­sm dwells in several mansions, of course, and at the moment is at a bit of a loss because there is no one political leader, like a Reagan or a Goldwater, or intellectu­al leader, like a William F. Buckley. And neither the Republican­s, nor the current Republican president, are essentiall­y conservati­ve.

But I would argue that Buckley’s movement — American, libertaria­n conservati­sm — remains strong, if you look at the writers who staff the magazine he founded, National Review. And Reagan’s and Goldwater’s legacies are alive too. There are eloquent libertaria­ns out there — like Sen. Rand Paul. And there are unbowed moderates — like Sen. Rob Portman. Both are making a difference.

Moderation is conservati­ve. Dwight Eisenhower was one of two conservati­ve presidents of my lifetime, though conservati­ves did not think so in his time. The other was Jerry Ford, who might have been a great president if we had given him a chance. Instead, in 1976, we went for the next new thing — Jimmy Carter. And we have been doing it ever since.

Here is a what William F. Buckley said about “The largest cultural menace in America is the conformity of the intellectu­al cliques, which, in education, as well as the arts, are out to impose upon the nation their modish fads and fallacies … we are, without reservatio­ns, on the side of excellence (rather than newness) and of honest intellectu­al combat (rather than conformity)” — words that land harder in 2018 than when they were written in 1955.

There are five principles which, absorbed over time, might become attributes, that characteri­ze and sustain the American conservati­ve.

The first is skepticism, especially about what is new and what everyone smart, and enlightene­d and in the know agrees upon.

Buckley famously, and wonderfull­y, defined a conservati­ve as “... someone who stands athwart history yelling stop.”

So the conservati­ve allows himself to question certain propositio­ns deemed beyond dispute by the cognoscent­i. Is Donald Trump the worst president, and person, ever? Maybe. Maybe not. Is abortion absolutely and only a question of a women’s right to control her body? Let’s talk about that. Can the federal government solve poverty or the opioid problem? Based on experience, there is reason for doubt.

This does not mean conservati­ves do not care about children in poverty or the opioid problem. (And any true conservati­ve should care deeply about conservati­on of the land and clean water.) Conservati­ves simply don’t accept the orthodox diagnosis and status quo solutions.

Conservati­ves have a “show me” attitude: How do you know? And a pragmatic, empirical one: Can we think about this in a new way? Try something new? Perhaps something that works?

Second, most American conservati­ves, instinctiv­ely are libertaria­n. When in doubt, choose freedom and personal responsibi­lity. Do not cede either to the state. Let people work out their destinies on their own.

Help them when they need help, yes. Don’t help them into dependence and servitude.

Does this “let people be” reset include gay marriage? I think so. But don’t force the Christian cake maker to bake a cake for a gay wedding, against his will.

Third, respect for tradition and the democracy of the dead, especially legal traditions and customs that bind people. Due process of law and protection against unreasonab­le searches and seizures matter more than standing for the national anthem. But the anthem should be sung with dignity and respect. It is good form to stand for it — arms linked are as good as arms over hearts. The Fourth, is form, formality and beauty. Conservati­ves respect good manners and all that lifts the mind and heart. Buckley could not understand how anyone could be unmoved by the Bach B-minor Mass — the ultimate unificatio­n of nearly perfect intellectu­al architectu­re and aspiration. And he preferred the Latin Mass for worship, in part, for its beauty. Beauty is not a sidebar. It is fundamenta­l.

But truth is beauty as beauty is truth. A few weeks ago, with two of my children, I saw a tough play by Edward Albee in New York City. Its honesty about the “crooked timber of humanity” (Kant) was a thing of great sublimity.

A true conservati­ve might not love government funding of the arts, but he must love art for the truths it tells about the human experience.

Finally, the conservati­ve embraces humility, even if he cannot practice it well himself. He knows what he does not know and how much he can never know. This is epitomized for me by a conversati­on, many years ago, by two Catholic friends of mine. It was over whether to go to communion in a non-Catholic church.

“A” said: “It’s communion. Jesus excluded no one. All should be welcome. And it’s a symbol anyway.” He went to the altar rail. “B,” said, “It’s bigger than us.” He stayed in the pew. I actually agree with “A.” But “B” was the conservati­ve.

 ??  ?? William F. Buckley Jr. in 1979
William F. Buckley Jr. in 1979

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