Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Judicial revolution

Conservati­ves have been building a judiciary to their liking

- Jay Cost, a contributi­ng opinion writer to the Post-Gazette and a visiting scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, lives in Butler County (JCost241@gmail.com, Twitter @JayCostTWS).

President Donald Trump last week appointed D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Brett Kavanaugh to fill the vacancy on the Supreme Court created by the recently announced retirement of Justice Anthony Kennedy.

From a conservati­ve perspectiv­e, Judge Kavanaugh is a very good pick. His decade-long record on the D.C. Circuit demonstrat­es that he is an “originalis­t” jurist, committed to interpreti­ng the law and Constituti­on as written, as opposed to inserting his policy preference­s into it. Originalis­m is what Republican presidents always look for, but there is a persistent fear that a nominee will go “rogue” on the court, siding with the liberal wing. This happened with George H.W. Bush’s appointmen­t of David Souter back in 1990. A relative unknown, Souter quickly became a reliable vote for the liberals. That is not going to happen with Judge Kavanaugh. He is a known quantity.

Judge Kavanaugh will be more than a simple vote. He is an outstandin­g judicial thinker and a fantastic writer. This is useful in the long-term project of influencin­g national jurisprude­nce. Justices such as Antonin Scalia, William Brennan and Oliver Wendell Holmes had an effect on American law far beyond their votes in conference — for they could lay out clear, persuasive, eloquent reasoning in their opinions. The hope among conservati­ves is that Judge Kavanaugh can fill the void left by Scalia’s death.

The progressiv­e nexus of interest groups is mobilizing to fight to fight Judge Kavanaugh’s confirmati­on in the Senate. But they stand virtually no chance of success. His credential­s are so sterling that it is unlikely any Republican senators will vote against him. Moreover, five or so Senate Democrats face tough reelection battles this fall. At least a few of them will vote for Judge Kavanaugh. Barring some unforeseen revelation, he is all butassured of confirmati­on.

To date, Mr. Trump’s approach to the court has been truly remarkable. He has filled judicial vacancies at a lightning-fast pace, at least compared to his predecesso­rs. And the caliber of nominee has been very high indeed. This is much to his credit. He knew that this was a priority of GOP primary voters, who were skeptical of his commitment to conservati­ve jurisprude­nce. He promised to deliver, andhe has.

But more broadly, Mr. Trump’s success has to be credited to the broader, conservati­ve legal community. The American right has taken seriously the project of vetting wouldbe appointmen­ts to the federal courts, making sure they are generally amenable to the ideas of judicial restraint and originalis­m that unite most factions on the right. It is due to the legwork of groups such as the Federalist Society and the Heritage Foundation that Mr. Trump can be confident in his appointmen­ts. And, in turn, Mr. Trump can choose such high-quality nominees for the highest court in large part because his GOP predecesso­r, George W. Bush, did an outstandin­g job placing judges on the district andappella­te courts.

And credit (such as it is) must also be given to former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and President Barack Obama, who decided in 2014 to eliminate the filibuster for lowercourt judicial nominees. That strippedaw­ay the power of the minority to block appointmen­ts to district and appellate courts and establishe­d the precedent for the GOP to eliminate it for the Supreme Court. Mr. Reid, Mr. Obama and the Democrats were somehow convinced that the GOP would not be able to acquire a majority in the Senate and/or retake the White House. Their error, borne of political hubris, was laid bare in November 2016. And the progressiv­e causeis now paying the price.

We may be on the cusp of a conservati­ve judicial renaissanc­e. A lot depends on whether Republican­s can hold the Senate in the upcoming presidenti­al election. The odds favor them, but it is no guarantee. If they do, and if the Trump administra­tion continues nominating high-caliber candidates at such a quick pace, then by the time his first term is over, roughly a quarter of the federal bench may have been appointed by Donald Trump.

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