Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

IN PITTSBURGH WAS DECLARED A ‘NEW AMERICAN JUDAISM’

Rabbis met here in 1885 to found a variant of Judaism centered on social activism and the equality of people, recounts author/journalist STEVEN R. WEISMAN

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Ahistoric conclave in Pittsburgh in 1885 was advertised as a “declaratio­n of independen­ce” for American Jews. It turned out to be a declaratio­n of war, with echoes felt more than 130 years later.

Meeting at Concordia Hall in Allegheny County outside the city, a collection of 18 rabbis seeking to forge a new American Judaism declared that the Bible was not to be taken literally and that hundreds of ancient Jewish laws regulating diet, purity and dress were “entirely foreign to our present mental and spiritual state.”

Judaism, they asserted was “a progressiv­e religion” based on reason, not revelation, as a path to God — and with a duty “to participat­e in the great task of modern times, to solve, on the basis of justice and righteousn­ess, the problems presented by the contrasts and evils of the present organizati­on of society.”

It would be hard to underestim­ate how radical this agenda was. The Pittsburgh parley provoked a fierce counterrea­ction among traditiona­list Jews in the city and elsewhere. For example, the embrace of these revolution­ary doctrines at Rodef Shalom in Pittsburgh (home to 3,000 Jews and eight congregati­ons) provoked a revolt from Orthodox members.

They bolted and establishe­d the rival Tree of Life Synagogue in 1864 — a Conservati­ve synagogue today. Yet, like Reform synagogues, it embraces the doctrine of community service summed up by the phrase tikkun olam, a Hebrew term of mystical origins meaning “repairing the world” and evoking the spirit of what is known as the “Pittsburgh Platform.”

At a time when American Jews are deeply divided over many issues, especially the policies of the current government in Israel, it is worth noting that they largely embrace the social gospel hammered out in Pittsburgh.

A poll conducted by the Pew Research Center in 2013 found that most surveyed — including Reform, Conservati­ve, Orthodox and Jews of no affiliatio­n — said that “working for justice and equality” was central to their Jewish identity. A separate survey released this summer by the American Jewish Committee showed that 60 percent of American Jews supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump in 2016.

The significan­ce of these roots in Pittsburgh cannot be discounted.

Another controvers­ial aspect of the Pittsburgh heritage is the way it described the “covenant” between Jews and God — effectivel­y defining Jews as the custodians, not the sole proprietor­s, of universall­y applicable ethical rules. This redefiniti­on marked a radical departure from thousands of years of history in which Jews had

long prayed for God to redeem history. Now they had become activists, a people with a social conscience determined to do God’s work themselves and bring about an era of salvation.

The Pittsburgh Platform also speeded the extraordin­ary movement to institute educationa­l, cultural and family programs at synagogues, elevate the role of women and refocus attention on some ceremonies that had fallen away, notably Hanukkah and Sukkot.

In my recently published book “The Chosen Wars: How Judaism Became an American Religion,” I make the argument that Judaism in America is different from the Judaism that is practiced in other parts of the world, most notably Israel. Three factors were at play to produce American Judaism in the 19th century.

First came the practical exigencies of living, and earning a living, for Jewish immigrants in America — the fact that they traveled, often alone and isolated, from community to community. Jewish peddlers had to search out and establish roots in places that lacked kosher butchers or effective means to carry out other dietary restrictio­ns, such as separating meat and dairy consumptio­n, using different sets of dishes.

While adapting, they resolved to focus on what they believed to be the central tenets of their faith, the ethical pronouncem­ent of the prophets. At the turn of the past century, more concentrat­ed population­s of Jews in large American cities found it easy to hew to tradition, and yet they also broke away, influenced by the legacy of Jews who had come before.

A second factor in the emergence of American Judaism was the determinat­ion to conform to American culture — to “Americaniz­e” their faith. Unlike Europe, the United States was a secularly neutral state that did not empower rabbis to set the rules for Jews. In turn, American Jews wanted no “chief rabbis” to dictate those rules. They could, and did, elevate the role of women in Judaism, bringing them out from behind barriers and authorizin­g them to establish religious schools to educate children.

They also allowed men and women to sit together in family pews, a bold step with echoes to the struggle of women in Israel to pray with men at the wall of the Old Temple in Jerusalem. It was believed that, if democracy was good enough for American citizens, it was good enough for American members of Jewish congregati­ons. (Even the growing popularity of the term “temple” to describe a synagogue was an implicit rebuke to the idea that Jews must pray for restoratio­n of the Temple in Jerusalem.)

A third and perhaps most American factor in how Judaism became an American religion was intellectu­al. Educated in matters outside their religion, for the first time in history they came to grips with modern thought and the evolving revolution­ary concepts of science (geology, astronomy, anthropolo­gy), citizenshi­p, history and literary analysis of Scripture.

Along with the widening of physical and life sciences came changes in the science of history — the birth of historical relativism, or what is known as “historicis­m,” following the philosophy of Hegel that social norms are best understood as a product of a society’s historical context.

In the late 19th century, the study of other religions in the ancient Near East — many of them with legends, rituals and beliefs similar to those of Judaism — led to the view of Judaism as a body of beliefs of a particular tribe in the region with its own God rivaling the gods of other tribes. Jews came to see their legacy in sociologic­al terms, liberating them from ancient rules and practices.

For American Jews, the idea of “chosenness” has always presented problems of how to identify themselves as a people “apart” but also as a people who are “a part” of America, accepted by Americans, like all other people.

The historian Arnold Eisen, chancellor of the Jewish Theologica­l Seminary, recounts a story of an itinerant peddler, Joseph Jonas, one of the first Jews to travel west of the Alleghenie­s, in 1817. A Quaker woman was excited to meet him. “Art thou a Jew?” she asked with wonder. “Thou art one of God’s chosen people.” But then, upon inspection, she expressed disappoint­ment. “Well, thou art no different to other people.”

The Bible, Mr. Eisen notes, refers at least 175 times to the Jews as chosen by God to fulfill certain roles in their redemption. Jews are identified as a “special treasure” of God at Mount Sinai, for example.

But Mr. Eisen also notes that it is in the chapters of Isaiah — which scholars believe were written much later than the period of the prophet himself — that Jews are described as chosen to be what is often translated as “a light unto the nations.”

The special status of Jews in these and other passages from the prophets were interprete­d by American Jews in the 19th century as vouchsafin­g for Jews an explicit “mission” to serve a divine purpose, as a beacon to humankind, but also to be grateful that they could belong in their new land as equal to others.

As controvers­ial as the message from Pittsburgh was more than 130 years ago, it remains no less powerful today in defining American Judaism.

Steven R. Weisman, vice president of the Peterson Institute for Internatio­nal Economics, is the author of “The Chosen Wars: How Judaism Became an American Religion,” from which this essay is drawn. Mr. Weisman is a former correspond­ent, editor and editorial writer at The New York Times.

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Daniel Marsula/Post-Gazette

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