Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

The Bernie Sanders fallacy

No, Virginia, there is no class war

- David Brooks David Brooks is a columnist for The New York Times.

This is a golden age for “Theyism.” This is the belief that there is some malevolent, elite “they” out there and “they” are destroying life for the rest of us.

There is Donald Trump’s culture-war Theyism: The coastal cultural elites hate genuine Americans, underminin­g our values and opening our borders. And there is Bernie Sanders’ class-war Theyism: The billionair­es have rigged the economy to benefit themselves and impoverish everyone else.

Each of these stories takes a genuine tension in society and blows it up into an all-explaining cartoon in which one part of America is trying to destroy the other part.

The Republican Party has been swallowed by Mr. Trump’s culture war, and many Democrats seem to be rushing to join Mr. Sanders’ class war.

These Democrats are doing this even though it is political suicide. Class-war progressiv­ism always loses to culture-war conservati­sm because swing voters in the Midwest care more about their values — guns, patriotism, ending abortion, masculinit­y, whatever — than they do about proletaria­n class consciousn­ess.

Democrats are doing this even though the Sanders class war story is wrong.

Mr. Sanders starts with a truth: Workers need more bargaining power as they negotiate wages with their employers. But then he blows this up into an all-explaining ideology: Capitalism is a system of exploitati­on in which capitalist power completely dominates worker power. This ideology crashes against the facts.

In the first place, over the past few years wages for workers toward the bottom of the income stream have been rising faster than wages for those toward the top. If the bosses have the workers by the throat, how can this be happening?

Second, wages are still generally determined by skills and productivi­ty. For example, Edward Lazear of Stanford University finds that between 1989 and 2017, productivi­ty in mostly high-skill industries rose by roughly 34% and wages in those industries rose by 26%. Productivi­ty in industries with mostly lessskille­d workers rose by 20% while wages grew by 24%.

As Michael Strain of the American Enterprise Institute puts it, capitalism is doing what it’s supposed to do. It is rewarding productivi­ty with pay, and some people and companies are more productive. If you improve worker bargaining power, that may help a bit, but over the long run people can’t earn what they don’t produce.

Third, and most important, most of the increase in earnings inequality has happened between companies, not within them. As John Van Reenen of MIT has found, all over the world superstar businesses are racing ahead of their competitor­s. As those companies grow more productive, they earn more profit per employee and pay their workers more. Companies that can’t match that productivi­ty don’t, and their workers lag behind.

A recent Brookings Institutio­n/ Chumir Foundation report also notes that there is a growing productivi­ty gap between superstar companies and everybody else. Whether it is in tech, retail, manufactur­ing, utilities or services, productivi­ty growth at the leading companies in each industry has remained very strong. Those productive businesses are capturing larger and larger market shares. But productivi­ty is not growing fast among the lagging companies. Workers in those businesses suffer.

Today’s successful bosses are doing what they should be doing: increasing productivi­ty, growing their businesses and offering great service. A side effect of their efficiency is they spend a smaller share of their revenue on labor even while raising their workers’ wages. In a global informatio­n-age economy, the rewards for being best are huge.

Thus, the core problem is not capitalist­s exploiting their workers; it’s the rise of productivi­ty inequality. It’s the companies and individual­s who don’t have the skills to take advantage of new technologi­es.

The real solution, therefore, is not class war to hammer successful businesses. It’s to boost and expand productivi­ty for everybody else. That’s done the old-fashioned way — by having better schools and better vocational training, by having more open competitiv­e markets, by creating incentives to expand investment, by making sure superstar businesses don’t use lobbyists to lock in their advantages.

I understand if you want to stick to an us-versus-them political ideology. It’s emotionall­y satisfying to base your political ideology on blaming people you dislike. In fact, I strongly recommend Michael Lind’s new book, “The New Class War,” which is the best version of us/them.

Mr. Lind makes a lot of vague generaliza­tions about the “managerial elite,” which he blames for our problems. But at least he’s interestin­g and provocativ­e. At least he understand­s that a politicall­y plausible “Theyism” is economical­ly left and socially right — combining the culture war and class war into a tidy narrative.

But if you want to deal with our real problems, stop the us/them warfare and start dealing with productivi­ty inequality.

Successful executives are doing what’s best for their companies, gathering as much talent as they can. This isn’t evil. It’s not exploitati­on.

The job of public policy is to make it easier for everybody to do what successful people are doing. Productivi­ty is the key to national prosperity. Every time we increase productivi­ty for one person, we all thrive a little more, together.

 ?? Jordan Gale/The New York Times ?? Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., a candidate for the Democratic presidenti­al nomination, campaigns Jan. 11 in Newton, Iowa.
Jordan Gale/The New York Times Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., a candidate for the Democratic presidenti­al nomination, campaigns Jan. 11 in Newton, Iowa.

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