Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Mitch McConnell’s mission of misery

- Paul Krugman is a columnist for The New York Times.

Ikeep seeing news reports saying that the Trump administra­tion is “pivoting” on economic stimulus. But Donald Trump has been reversing positions so frequently that it looks less like a series of pivots than like a tailspin.

Over the course of just a week he went from demanding big stimulus, to calling off negotiatio­ns, to demanding big stimulus again, to calling for a small- scale deal using already allocated funds.

It would be funny if the human consequenc­es weren’t so terrible. At this point the best guess is that for the next three- plus months — that is, until President Joe Biden takes office ( highly likely, though not certain) with a Democratic Senate ( more likely than not, but definitely not a sure thing) — there will be little or no aid for the millions of families, thousands of businesses and many state and local government­s on the brink of disaster.

But why isn’t America getting the pandemic relief it so obviously needs?

It’s easy to blame Mr. Trump, who has managed to spend four years in office without learning anything about policy and has surrounded himself with officials chosen for slavish personal loyalty rather than expertise. As a recent article in Politico put it: “Never mind the A Team. At this point, even the B Team would represent a significan­t upgrade.”

But even if Mr. Trump had any idea what he was doing, he would be paralyzed by the opposition of many, probably most Senate Republican­s to any serious deal. They’re willing to cover for Mr. Trump’s unpreceden­ted corruption; they’re apparently unbothered by his fondness for foreign dictators. But spending money to help Americans in distress? That’s where they draw the line.

This was obvious even before the coronaviru­s struck. Remember how Mr. Trump promised to spend trillions on infrastruc­ture, then defaulted on that promise? “Infrastruc­ture week” eventually became a running joke. But while Mr. Trump’s infrastruc­ture proposals never made any sense, in early 2019 it seemed as if he might actually have a deal with Democrats for a serious spending plan.

But the deal went nowhere thanks to opposition from Senate

Republican­s, including Mitch McConnell, the majority leader.

Mr. McConnell and company are also the main reason we don’t have a deal to help Americans survive the economic effects of the pandemic.

We should have had a deal in the summer, when it was already obvious that the rescue package approved in March was going to expire much too soon. But Senate Republican­s were adamantly opposed to providing the necessary aid. Lindsey Graham declared that emergency unemployme­nt benefits would be extended “over our dead bodies” ( actually 215,000 other people’s dead bodies, but who’s counting?).

And Mr. McConnell — whose state benefits from far more federal spending than it pays in taxes — derided proposed aid to states as a “blue state bailout.”

The thing is, Mr. Trump’s chances of re- election and McConnell’s chances of holding on to the Senate would almost surely be better if there actually had been an infrastruc­ture bill last year and a relief bill this summer. Why weren’t Republican­s willing to make those deals?

Whatever they may say, they weren’t concerned about the cost. Republican­s didn’t worry about budget deficits when they rammed through a $ 2 trillion tax cut for corporatio­ns and the wealthy. They only pose as deficit hawks when trying to block spending that might help ordinary Americans.

No, what this is really about is the modern GOP’s plutocrati­c agenda. Mr. McConnell and, as far as I can tell, every member of his caucus are completely committed to cutting taxes on the rich and aid to the poor and middle class. Other than March’s CARES Act, which Republican­s passed only because they were panicking over a plunging stock market, it’s hard to think of any major GOP- approved fiscal legislatio­n in the last two decades that didn’t redistribu­te income upward.

You might think that Republican­s would set the plutocrati­c imperative aside when the case for more government spending is compelling, whether it’s to repair our crumbling infrastruc­ture or to provide relief during a pandemic. But all indication­s are that they believe — probably rightly — that successful government programs make the public more receptive to proposals for additional programs.

That’s why the GOP has tried so franticall­y to overturn the Affordable Care Act; at this point it’s clear that Obamacare’s success in cutting the number of uninsured Americans has created an appetite for further health care reform.

And that’s why Republican­s are unwilling to provide desperatel­y needed aid to economic victims of the pandemic. They aren’t worried that a relief package would fail; they’re worried that it might succeed, showing that sometimes more government spending is a good thing. Indeed, a successful relief package might pave the way for Democratic proposals that would, among other things, drasticall­y reduce child poverty.

So while Mr. Trump bears much of the responsibi­lity for the misery facing millions of Americans, Mr. McConnell probably bears an equal share. Will they pay the political price? We’ll find out in two weeks.

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