Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Russia’s leading dissident exposed spy team sent to kill him

- An editorial from The Washington Post

It is easy to imagine President Vladimir Putin gloating amid the revelation­s that Russia’s Foreign Intelligen­ce Service penetrated U.S. agencies and many private companies in what some are calling the most successful hack of U.S. targets in history. Moscow’s cyberspies have once again demonstrat­ed an extraordin­ary capacity to exploit the vulnerabil­ities of an open society wedded to the Internet, just as they did during the 2016 presidenti­al election.

Yet Mr. Putin has some reason for chagrin as well: It turns out that his regime has its own weaknesses in this high-tech era. That has been made clear by the complete exposure of the team from the spy agency that carried out the poisoning of opposition leader Alexei Navalny with a class of banned nerve agents - a sting that culminated on Monday with the stunning revelation that Mr. Navalny had phoned one of the agents and duped him into providing details of the operation.

Mr.Navalny, who for years has been Mr. Putin’s most determined and effective opponent, nearly died Aug. 20 after he fell ill on a flight. Laboratori­es in three Western countries and the Organizati­on for the Prohibitio­n of Chemical

Weapons subsequent­ly confirmed that he had been attacked with Novichok, a nerve agent developed by the Soviet Union. Mr. Navalny was saved when his plane made an emergency landing and paramedics waiting on the tarmac quickly treated him; he was later evacuated to Germany, where he has remained since.

The episode might have remained murky — Mr. Putin’s government, of course, denied responsibi­lity — if not for an investigat­ion launched by a multinatio­nal group of news organizati­ons, led by the Bellingcat website. Taking advantage of Russia’s black market in data — a symptom of the country’s pervasive corruption — investigat­ors were able to purchase phone records and travel manifests that, in turn, allowed them to identify the members of the spy team, along with their movements.

“I know who wanted to kill me,” Mr. Navalny said in a video released with the journalist­s’ report last week. “I know where they live. I know where they work. I know their real names. I know their fake names. I have photograph­s of them.”

Not until Monday did Bellingcat drop the most astonishin­g piece of evidence: a 49minute recorded phone call between Mr. Navalny and Konstantin Kudryavtse­v, a member of the team sent to the city of Omsk to clean up the evidence of the poisoning. The dissident managed to convince the spy that he was a supervisor conducting an after-action investigat­ion, and induced him to describe the action in detail. Among other things, Mr. Kudryavtse­v made clear that the agency intended to kill Mr. Navalny and blamed its failure on the quick work of the plane pilot and paramedics; he also revealed that the Novichok agent had been smeared on Mr. Navalny’s underpants.

The revelation­s are an acute embarrassm­ent for Mr. Putin, himself a former spy: One of the agency’s most sensitive units, involved in staging attacks with weapons banned by an internatio­nal treaty, has been thoroughly revealed. The informatio­n gathered by the investigat­ion — including Mr. Kudryavtse­v’s unwitting confession — provides a road map for the United States and other government­s to sanction those involved in the attempted murder and in Russia’s illegal use of chemical weapons. It’s not yet known whether the hacking of U.S. agencies was an intelligen­ce operation or an offensive attack meant to damage or disrupt U.S. government operations. But we know exactly what the assault of Navalny was and who carried it out. There must be consequenc­es.

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