Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

On the rule of law, there are two Trumps

- Tim Busch is the founder of the Busch Firm and the Napa Institute, a Catholic lay organizati­on. Copyright 2021 National Review. Used with permission.

The rule of law took a body blow from the president of the United States on Jan. 6. What started with a rally outside the White House ended with an angry mob assaulting Congress. The scenes were some of the most shocking in American history, especially since the mob was apparently whipped up by the rhetoric of President Donald Trump. After four years of defending law, order and constituti­onal government, he will leave a legacy that will now be marred by these riots.

It’s a sad end to the Trump administra­tion, whether or not you supported him. It also cuts against so much that Mr. Trump did — before the “stop the steal” gambit — to uphold the rule of law, namely through his judicial appointmen­ts. While the riots now overshadow everything else, it’s important to remember how the president has transforme­d the federal courts.

As a lawyer who has watched the federal courts for decades, I believe that no modern president has made a greater impact on the judiciary. That impact can be traced to Mr. Trump’s promise at a presidenti­al candidate in 2016. Following the death of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, he vowed, if elected, to nominate a justice who would uphold the Constituti­on and the freedoms it protects. Once in office, he kept his word.

Mr.Trump began his term by nominating Neil Gorsuch to replace Scalia. Over the next four years, he put two more justices on the Supreme Court: Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett. He placed a further 54 judges on the federal circuit courts, which issue important rulings that affect huge sections of the country. And he appointed 175 federal district-court judges. All told, Mr. Trump is responsibl­e for about a quarter of the federal judiciary — an incredible feat in just four years.

More important than the quantity of Mr. Trump’s appointees is their quality.

By and large, they are “originalis­ts,” which means they interpret the Constituti­on according to the meaning of its words at the time it was written. For the originalis­t, the Constituti­on’s meaning is fixed, which provides a stable foundation for law and freedom. The alternativ­e is for a judge to “update” the Constituti­on through his or her rulings, but such revisions inevitably do more harm than good. Judges can’t “update” the Constituti­on without imposing their will and value judgments on society. At that point, the rule of law is impossible, because the law is grounded in something that’s always shifting — the values and opinions of judges. Originalis­m is the only way to ensure the rule of law is the law of the land.

That’s why Mr. Trump’s appointees are so important. They break with the long history of federal judges who reject originalis­m — and with it, the rule of law. Just witness how Mr. Trump’s own appointees pushed back on the president’s dubious postelecti­on lawsuits, putting the rule of law ahead of political considerat­ions.

For decades, appointees of both Republican­s and Democrats have forced their own cultural values onto society. From religious freedom to abortion to marriage to many other issues, judges have twisted the Constituti­on’s words to fit their own preconceiv­ed ideas and political goals. The result has been an ever-deepening cultural divide that now threatens to tear America apart.

That divide is the natural result of abandoning originalis­m. When justices and judges start dictating policy from the bench, instead of letting lawmakers and elected leaders do so, Americans lose faith in the country’s republican form of government. Instead of fair fights that are won or lost by legislativ­e votes and elections, there are unfair fights in which unelected judges set the country’s course.

As originalis­ts, Mr. Trump’s appointees can start to mend America’s cultural rift. While their judicial philosophy prohibits them from taking sides in cultural debates, the result of their rulings will be the return of power to America’s legislativ­e and policy-making institutio­ns, where those debates can be worked out in the way they were intended. That is what the rule of law demands. It is the rule of the people through our elected representa­tives, not the rule of unelected judges.

President Trump’s record on judicial appointmen­ts is second to none. Time will tell if he will be most remembered, however, as the president who sparked a riot that overran Congress, in a terrible assault on the rule of law. Thankfully, the justices and judges he appointed to the federal courts will surely be remembered for their actions to defend the rule of law, and with it, the American experiment in self-government.

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