Porterville Recorder

Medicare for all is the wrong prescripti­on

- Richard D. Kocur is an assistant professor of business at Grove City College. He specialize­s in marketing and business strategy and has over 25 years of experience in the healthcare industry.

In the fall of 2017, when Senator Bernie Sanders unveiled his vision for the future of the U.S. healthcare system (Medicare for All), I wrote a piece for the Center for Vision and Values titled, “Medicare for All is Good for None.” In the piece, I argued that using the Medicare template as a model capable of absorbing quadruple the number of current enrollees was flawed from the start. Obviously, Senator Sanders did not read my piece.

Now, in the fall of 2018, Medicare for All has become the litmus test for the early field of potential Democratic presidenti­al nominees and a key policy platform among progressiv­es. In addition, a recent Reuters poll showed a majority of Americans, 70% in fact, in favor of Medicare for All. Receiving “free” healthcare from the government sounds promising until one digs into the details related to the impact the plan would have from a dollars-and-sense perspectiv­e.

Over the past year, the cost of Sanders’ proposed socializat­ion of the American healthcare system, representi­ng nearly 18% of the total U.S. economy, has been extensivel­y studied. Both left-leaning and right-leaning estimates price the plan at approximat­ely $30 trillion. A recent study by the Mercatus Center at George Mason University estimates Medicare for All will cost the federal government at least $32 trillion over 10 years.

For some sobering perspectiv­e, the total of all individual and corporate taxes collected by the federal government over the next 10 years is projected to be approximat­ely $30 trillion. The federal government would have to more than double its tax revenue in the next 10 years to pay for Medicare for All. In order to cover just a portion of Medicare for All, Senator Sanders’ plan would mean an increase in the top marginal tax rate to 52% and a dramatic increase in the tax on capital gains and dividends. Even if that’s the case, a significan­t gap in funding still exists. Where does the rest of the nearly $32 trillion come from?

Supporters of a socialized healthcare system like Medicare for All point to the administra­tive cost savings a single-payer system would generate as a means to help cover the approximat­e $32 trillion dollar price tag. Unfortunat­ely, on a per-patient basis, Medicare administra­tive costs are no better than those of private insurance. This despite a greater number of private insurance providers, variabilit­y in their administra­tive efficiency, and higher marketing and promotion costs. Is it even feasible that the bureaucrat­ic machinery in Washington could come close to being able to drive down costs via administra­tive efficiency?

Another means of paying for Medicare for All according to its backers is to reduce provider fees. Currently, Medicare pays providers significan­tly less than they receive from private insurance. According to estimates in the Mercatus study, Sanders’ plan would reduce provider reimbursem­ents by nearly 40%. Payments below the cost of doing business would likely result in fewer providers and limits on access to care as physicians and hospitals are forced out of business. It would also mean fewer new providers entering the market. Providers that remain would essentiall­y become government employees with little say in their business. From a patient perspectiv­e this also would mean longer wait times and less control over healthcare decisions.

Related to the dramatic reduction of provider fees, Medicare for All would also seek to negotiate a significan­t reduction in the prices of prescripti­on drugs, essentiall­y amounting to price controls across the pharmaceut­ical industry. While drug pricing is a key cost-driver of the U.S. healthcare system, and should be addressed in a responsibl­e way, implementi­ng price controls across the entire sector would stifle innovation and new drug discovery.

The above rationale for why Medicare for All is unrealisti­c and impractica­ble from a dollars-and-sense perspectiv­e doesn’t even take into account the actual experience­s of patients in socialized healthcare systems around the world. In many countries, an increasing­ly strained national healthcare budget has to be addressed by increasing revenues via higher taxation or decreasing costs via the rationing of care. It also doesn’t address the fundamenta­l point about the degree of control that should be ceded to the federal government in any area of our lives, especially one as important and personal as healthcare.

The methods by which Medicare for All proposes to pay its bills all have unintended consequenc­es or downstream effects that would do more harm than good to the U.S. economy, the individual taxpayer, and the patients within the system. Americans want, and deserve, a cure for a sick U.S. healthcare system but Medicare for All is the wrong prescripti­on.

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