Porterville Recorder

Case against Flynn nears end with no-jail recommenda­tion

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Michael Flynn has been waiting for more than a year to be sentenced. The retired three-star Army general, who spent 24 days as the Trump White House national security adviser, pleaded guilty on Dec. 1, 2017, to lying to the FBI in the Trump-russia investigat­ion. He agreed to cooperate with special counsel Robert Mueller.

Flynn’s sentencing, which has been delayed a number of times for reasons that have never been disclosed, is scheduled to finally take place on Dec. 18. Late Tuesday, Mueller filed what is called a sentencing report. Citing Flynn’s “substantia­l assistance” to the investigat­ion, Mueller recommende­d “a sentence at the low end of the guideline range -- including a sentence that does not impose a period of incarcerat­ion.”

It’s no surprise Flynn might be spared jail time. So far, two figures in the Trump-russia matter have been sentenced for lying to investigat­ors, the same offense as Flynn. Alex van der Zwaan, a bit player connected to Paul Manafort, was sentenced to 30 days in jail. George Papadopoul­os, a short-time Trump campaign foreign policy adviser, was sentenced to 14 days -- and that was after Mueller complained that Papadopoul­os had not been cooperativ­e when he was purportedl­y assisting the investigat­ion.

Flynn, on the other hand, is a retired general with a long record of service to the United States, which Mueller took into considerat­ion in recommendi­ng no jail time. “The defendant’s record of military and public service distinguis­h him from every other person who has been charged as part of the (special counsel’s) investigat­ion,” Mueller wrote.

What the sentencing recommenda­tion did not address was the sketchy beginnings of the Flynn investigat­ion. It started with the Obama administra­tion’s unhappines­s that Flynn, during the transition as the incoming national security adviser, had phone conversati­ons with Russia’s then-ambassador to the U.S., Sergey Kislyak. Because Kislyak was under American surveillan­ce, U.S. intelligen­ce and law enforcemen­t agencies had recordings and transcript­s of the calls, in which Flynn and Kislyak discussed the sanctions Obama had just imposed on Russia in retaliatio­n for its 2016 election interferen­ce.

There was nothing wrong with an incoming national security adviser talking to a foreign ambassador during a transition. There was nothing wrong with discussing the sanctions. But some officials in the Obama Justice Department decided that Flynn might have violated the Logan Act, a 218-year-old law under which no one has ever been prosecuted, that prohibits private citizens from acting on behalf of the United States in disputes with foreign government­s.

The Obama officials also said they were concerned by reports that Flynn, in a conversati­on with Vice President Mike Pence, had denied discussing sanctions. This, the officials felt, might somehow expose Flynn to Russian blackmail.

So Obama appointees atop the Justice Department sent FBI agents to the White House to interview Flynn, who was ultimately charged with lying in that interview.

The FBI did not originally think Flynn lied. In March 2017, then-fbi director James Comey told the House Intelligen­ce Committee that the two FBI agents who questioned Flynn “did not detect any deception” during the interview and “saw nothing that indicated to them that (Flynn) knew he was lying to them,” according to the committee’s report on the investigat­ion into the Trump-russia affair. Comey said essentiall­y the same thing to the Senate Judiciary Committee and, in the words of chairman Charles Grassley, “led us to believe ... that the Justice Department was unlikely to prosecute (Flynn) for false statements made in the interview.”

FBI number two Andrew Mccabe told the House the same thing. “The two people who interviewe­d (Flynn) didn’t think he was lying, (which) was not (a) great beginning of a false statement case,” Mccabe told the Intelligen­ce Committee.

Only later, after Comey was fired and Mueller began his investigat­ion, was Flynn accused of lying. He ultimately pleaded guilty.

Mueller’s sentencing recommenda­tion specifical­ly mentions the suspicion that Flynn violated the Logan Act. It says nothing about the Obama Justice Department’s blackmail tale.

Hill Republican­s have been suspicious about the Flynn case for quite a while. But they have not been able to get their hands on some key documents and testimony that might tell them what happened.

House investigat­ors have a chance to learn more this week when, on Friday, Comey appears for a behind-closed-doors interview with members of the Judiciary and Oversight committees.

Lawmakers have promised to release the transcript of the interview within a day or two of its completion. That might possibly give the public a more complete picture of the Flynn case. Investigat­ors could ask Comey specifical­ly how the agents who interviewe­d Flynn characteri­zed his answers and behavior. They could ask whether Comey believed Flynn would be indicted. They could ask what evidence Comey saw to suggest that Flynn did, in fact, lie. And they could ask if Comey ever saw the reports, the so-called 302s, that the agents wrote describing the interview.

Congress has long ago pressed the Justice Department to hand over the 302s and other documents. So far, the answer has been no. But soon the Flynn case will be entirely over. Perhaps then the public will finally learn what really went on in United States of America v. Michael T. Flynn. Byron York is chief political correspond­ent for The Washington Examiner.

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