Porterville Recorder

Traditiona­lists vs. Resisters

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In an interview with the BBC last year, New York Times editor Dean Baquet said: “We are not supposed to be the leaders of the resistance to Donald Trump. That is an untenable, non-journalist­ic, immoral position for The New York Times.”

Traditiona­lists in the mainstream media believe Baquet’s position is the right one — for the Times, and for any independen­t outlet that wants to preserve its journalist­ic integrity. The best way to cover Trump ethically is to be aggressive, vigilant, critical, tough and fair. Scrupulous­ly, rigorously fair.

But that model is under fierce attack from all sides. Trump regularly denounces the press as “fake news” and the “enemy of the people.”

Lesley Stahl of CBS reports this conversati­on with the president: “He said, ‘You know why I do it? I do it to discredit you all and demean you all, so when you write negative stories about me, no one will believe you.’”

In response, a rising chorus of Resisters — led by younger journalist­s of color within the Times and elsewhere — find Baquet’s model hopelessly outdated and even immoral. In Trump’s America, they’re saying, polarizati­on is unavoidabl­e. You have to choose sides.

Nikole Hannah-jones, who won a Pulitzer Prize for the Times, put it this way on CNN: “This adherence to even-handedness, both-side-ism, ‘view from nowhere’ doesn’t actually work in the political circumstan­ces that we’re in.”

This clash has been brewing for some time, but it came to a head when the Times ran an op-ed piece by Sen. Tom Cotton: an inflammato­ry screed calling for military repression of the protests that followed the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapoli­s policeman. The paper initially defended its decision, but backed down in the face of ferocious criticism. James Bennet, chief of the editorial page, even resigned.

The Resisters won that round, but the Traditiona­lists remain deeply troubled. Cotton is a major political figure who reflects the views of the president, and will probably run himself in four years. They point to Bennet’s defense of his decision before his resignatio­n: “It would undermine the integrity and independen­ce of The New York Times if we only published views that editors like me agreed with, and it would betray what I think of as our fundamenta­l purpose: not to tell you what to think, but to help you think for yourself.”

The Resisters argued Cotton’s piece contained numerous inaccuraci­es. They also argued it was hurtful and even dangerous to black reporters, especially those covering the protests. “It’s a unique balancing act,” wrote L.Z. Granderson, a columnist for the Los Angeles Times, “juggling your humanity with your profession against the backdrop of being under relentless attack in today’s toxic political environmen­t.”

Both sides agree on one thing: Trump has altered the journalist­ic rules in critical ways. Unlike other politician­s, he never corrects his misstateme­nts or apologizes for them. He commands Twitter and other social media platforms to communicat­e directly with his supporters.

As a result, even Traditiona­lists believe Trump has to be treated differentl­y than his predecesso­rs. They feel they have to be far more aggressive in documentin­g his falsehoods and calling them out. Some outlets now use words like “liar” and “racist” to describe him in extreme cases.

As Elisabeth Bumiller, the Washington bureau chief of the Times, told me: “Trump has uttered so many obvious falsehoods, so often, that to just report what he said, like we have covered other presidents, seems like a falsehood in itself.”

For the Resisters, that approach doesn’t go far enough. They embrace views like this tweet from Wesley Lowery, a former Washington Post writer: “American view-from-nowhere, ‘objectivit­y’ —obsessed, both-sides journalism is a failed experiment. The old way must go.”

This conflict will continue to reverberat­e in newsrooms across the country. It will heavily influence how the mainstream press continues to cover Trump, and the presidents who succeed him.

Steven Roberts teaches politics and journalism at George Washington University.

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