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Civility in our time: A presidenti­al debate strategy memorandum

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Today’s column takes the form of a presidenti­al debate strategy memo — written not to candidates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, but to the moderator, my news colleague Lester Holt of NBC News.

I’m writing it not because he particular­ly needs my advice, but just because I know my view on this has long been a distinctly minority opinion in our journalist­ic craft. And yet I’m sure it’s something he’ll at least want to consider before the camera’s red light flashes on at 9 p.m. Eastern Monday at Long Island’s Hofstra University, signaling the start of the first general election debate in what has already proven to be the most unusual and controvers­ial presidenti­al campaign in our nation’s modern history.

MEMO RE: A Debate Moderator’s Strategy

Lester, I believe the most memorable thing you can accomplish in Monday night’s debate is to moderate in a way that makes you totally forgettabl­e. Let me explain:

We’ve witnessed many of our colleagues work hard at moderating in various ways that guaranteed we’d see them twirling in the debate spotlight. We’ve seen colleagues who were more peacocks than moderators (that’s not a winking reference to your employer’s peacock symbol; but it is an unsubtle disapprova­l of the way some moderators paced and paraded back and forth, posturing while interrogat­ing).

And we have witnessed debates where the moderators clearly worked hard to craft gotcha questions, highlighti­ng instances when a politician once said X, but later said Y, and now seems to be saying Z. That’s our job when we conduct oneon-one interviews and are tasked with pinning down the politicos when they are being intentiona­lly vague or dissemblin­g (see also: contradict­ory or flat-out lying).

But in debates, it’s the debater whose prime job is challengin­g and even questionin­g his opponent. Moderators aren’t supposed to be the event’s central interrogat­ors. After all, a debate is not a three-way interview. And debates should never be about us.

A moderator’s prime job is to first propose a specific topic to be debated — such as: How will you keep America safe from the threats proposed by the Islamic State and other global terrorists?

Then the moderator must become the facilitato­r and even timekeeper, to assure each debater will indeed be able to debate the topic, challenge an adversary’s position and statements, and respond to other follow-ups. Debaters must have the time to fully explain their positions — and importantl­y, they must have the opportunit­y to challenge and even question their opponent. And then, the opponent must have the time and opportunit­y to answer fully. If all that happens, voters won’t remember who the moderator was — but they may learn a lot about their next president.

This surely didn’t happen in the multi-candidate cluster-fest that was the Republican presidenti­al primary debates. And it also didn’t really happen much in the Democratic primary debates that featured just two candidates. But it should have.

Moderators should interject themselves into the debate when one or both candidates are imprecise or wonky, to assure viewers will be able to understand. And yes, moderators ought to step in when debaters become evasive, to assure that truths don’t inadverten­tly fall through the cracks. But moderators cannot be expected to serve as full-time, live-time fact-checkers.

Let’s not forget: It’s the candidates who must be able to win debates not only by providing highlight-worthy answers but also by effectivel­y challengin­g and questionin­g their opponents. And — surprise of surprises — this can be done civilly.

In 1963, Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona, the father of the modern conservati­ve movement, figured he would be the Republican nominee in 1964 and would be running against the incumbent President John F. Kennedy. So Goldwater talked with Kennedy and proposed a unique debate format that he disclosed in his 1988 autobiogra­phy: “Kennedy and I informally agreed — it seems a pipe dream in looking at some of today’s negative campaignin­g — that we would ride the same plane or train to several stops and debate face to face on the same platform.” Goldwater elaborated on the plan in an interview with The Washington Post’s Bill Prochnau: “He’d get out in one place and start to debate and I’d rebut him. Then we’d turn it around in the next place. … It would have saved a lot of money, we’d have a good time, and it would have done the country a lot of good.”

That historic idea was shattered by an assassin’s bullet in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963. It might have changed politics for the better, forever. Its underlying civility need not be lost forever. MARTIN SCHRAM

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