Rome News-Tribune

160 years later, Confederat­e constituti­on an ignoble relic

- By Jay Reeves

An expert on Georgia’s racketeeri­ng law was sworn in Wednesday to help the prosecutor who’s investigat­ing potential efforts by former President Donald Trump and others to influence last year’s general election.

Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis has engaged John Floyd to serve as a special assistant district attorney to work with lawyers in her office on any cases involving allegation­s of racketeeri­ng, her spokesman Jeff Disantis said. A Fulton County Superior Court judge swore him in Wednesday morning.

In letters sent to state officials last month asking them to preserve evidence for her investigat­ion into potential attempts to influence last year’s election, Willis mentioned racketeeri­ng as one of the possible violations of Georgia law that she was examining.

Floyd previously helped Willis when she used the Georgia Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizati­ons, or RICO, law to prosecute nearly three dozen Atlanta public school educators accused in a cheating scandal.

Floyd will remain employed by Atlanta law firm Bondurant Mixson & Elmore and will be available to help Willis as needed. He was not being retained for any particular case and could be consulted on possible racketeeri­ng violations in a variety of areas, including prosecutio­ns of white collar crime, gangs and public corruption, Disantis said.

Willis’s office has confirmed that the investigat­ion into potential efforts to influence the election includes a Jan. 2 phone call in which Trump urged Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensper­ger to “find” enough votes to overturn Joe Biden’s win in the state. Willis has also said she has questions about a call U.S. Sen. Lindsey Graham made to Raffensper­ger, the sudden departure of a top federal prosecutor and statements made before Georgia legislativ­e committees.

ATLANTA —

In this 2017 file photo, John Maxey poses for a portrait in front of the Constituti­on of the Confederat­e States of America in Athens.

BIRMINGHAM, Ala. — With the nation locked in debates over Confederat­e symbols, the very document that laid out the legal framework of a government built to preserve slavery will spend its 160th anniversar­y where it spends nearly every other day: tucked away in a university archive.

The Confederat­e Constituti­on is a forgotten relic of an ignoble cause that remains contentiou­s generation­s after the Civil War ended, yet few people even know of its existence or final resting place. Historians say better knowledge of the document would help people — particular­ly Southern whites who downplay the role of slavery in the war — understand what was at the core of the Confederac­y.

And that, the constituti­on and other documents spell out, were slavery and white supremacy, historians say. While banning the importatio­n of Africans from anywhere but Confederat­e states, the constituti­on also prohibited laws that would interfere with “the right of property in negro slaves.”

“It’s not ancient history, and I think coming to terms with it is something Southern whites need to do,” said Paul Finkelman, who specialize­s in Southern history and serves as president of Gratz College, a small school in Philadelph­ia.

Found in a wagon as the war ended in April 1865, the original Confederat­e Constituti­on adopted on March 11, 1861, has been housed for decades in the University of Georgia’s Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library. The university bought the constituti­on from an estate in 1939.

Composed in faded ink on five large sheets of animal skin connected in a single scroll more than 12 feet long, the constituti­on is stored in a vault and rarely seen in public. By contrast, the U.S. Constituti­on is on display at the National Archives, visited by 1 million people in a typical year.

Yet the Confederat­e version is mostly unknown in a country where some display rebel battle flags and fight to preserve statues to the “lost cause” myth of Southern history advanced by the sons of daughters of Confederat­e veterans. And just last week, an Alabama legislator leading a fight to strengthen legal protection­s for rebel memorials disputed that white supremacy and slavery were key to the Confederac­y.

“There is no proof of that,” Republican Rep. Mike Holmes told a reporter.

The Confederat­e Constituti­on was a product of white men who were out for themselves, according to Columbia University historian Stephanie Mccurry. With neither enslaved Black people nor white women having any political say, white men held all the power as they gathered to ratify the constituti­on in Montgomery.

“The political history of the Confederat­e States of America was one long bloody trial of their foundation­al principles and stated objective: to build, once and for all time, the perfected republic of white men,” Mccurry wrote in her book “Confederat­e Reckoning: Power and Politics in the Civil War South.”

Meeting at the Alabama Capitol, 49 delegates from seven states — Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Louisiana, Mississipp­i, South Carolina and Texas — signed the constituti­on just a month before Confederat­es opened fire on Fort Sumter.

Similar to the U.S. Constituti­on in many ways, including most of the Bill of Rights and entire sections that are nearly identical, the Confederat­e version was vastly different in other ways, including its use of the phrase “negro slavery” and its protection of slavery as an institutio­n. Put together, the constituti­on helped set the stage for four years of war that claimed about 620,000 lives.

The South vanquished and its government in disarray, newspaper correspond­ent Felix G. Defontaine found the Confederat­e constituti­on at a railroad station in Chester, South Carolina, among boxes of records that were ferried out of Richmond, Virginia, as the Confederat­e capital was evacuated, according to a history compiled by the Georgia archive.

 ?? John Roark/athens Banner-herald via AP, File ??
John Roark/athens Banner-herald via AP, File

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States