San Antonio Express-News

It’s a different Supreme Court now

Midnight ruling in church case sheds light on transforma­tion under Trump

- By Adam Liptak

WASHINGTON— Afewminute­s before midnight Wednesday, the nation got its first glimpse of how profoundly President Donald Trump had changed the Supreme Court.

Just months ago, Chief Justice John Roberts was at the peak of his power, holding the controllin­g vote in closely divided cases and almost never finding himself in dissent.

However, the arrival of Justice Amy Coney Barrett late last month, which put a staunch conservati­ve in the seat formerly held by liberal mainstay Ruth Bader Ginsburg, meant it only was a matter of time before the chief justice’s leadership would be tested.

On Wednesday, Barrett dealt the chief justice a body blow.

She cast the decisive vote in a 5-4 ruling that rejected restrictio­ns on religious services in New York imposed by Gov. Andrew Cuomo to combat the coronaviru­s, shoving the chief justice into dissent with the court’s three remaining liberals.

It was one of six opinions the court issued Wednesday.

The ruling was at odds with earlier ones in cases from California and Nevada issued before Ginsburg’s death in September.

Those decisions upheld restrictio­ns on church services by 5-4 votes, with Roberts in the majority.

The New York decision said that Cuomo’s strict virus limits — capping attendance at religious services at 10 people in “red zones” where risk was highest, and at 25 in slightly less dangerous “orange zones” — violated the First Amendment’s protection of the free exercise of religion.

Wednesday’s ruling could be a taste of things to come.

While Ginsburg was alive, Roberts voted with the court’s fourmember liberal wing in cases striking down a restrictiv­e Louisiana abortion law, blocking a

Trump administra­tion initiative that would have rolled back protection­s for young immigrants known as “Dreamers,” refusing to allow a question on citizenshi­p to be added to the census and saving the Affordable Care Act.

Had Barrett rather than Ginsburg been on the court when those cases were decided, the results might well have flipped.

In coming cases, too, Barrett could play a decisive role.

That said, the court’s dynamics can be complicate­d, and not all decisions break along predict

able lines.

For instance, while Roberts has lost his place at the court’s ideologica­l center, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, who was the second of Trump’s three court appointmen­ts, values consensus and might turn out to be an occasional ally of the liberals.

On Wednesday, Kavanaugh issued a conciliato­ry concurring opinion emphasizin­g he agreed with much of what Roberts had written in dissent.

“I part ways with the chief justice,” he wrote, “on a narrow procedural point.” That point — whether the court should act immediatel­y, notwithsta­nding Cuomo’s decision to lift the challenged restrictio­ns for the time being — was enough to decide the case.

The majority opinion was unsigned, but Ross Guberman, an authority on legal writing and author of “Point Taken: How to Write Like the World’s Best Judges,” said he suspected its principal author was the newest justice.

“My money is on Justice Barrett,” Guberman said, pointing to word choices that echoed her opinions on the 7th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.

Among them, he said, was “the concession that justices ‘are not public health experts.’ ”

The opinion said the state had treated secular businesses more favorably than houses of worship.

“The list of ‘essential’ businesses includes things such as acupunctur­e facilities, campground­s, garages, as well as many whose services are not limited to those that can be regarded as essential, such as all plants manufactur­ing chemicals and microelect­ronics and all transporta­tion facilities,” the opinion said.

The most notable signed opinion came from Justice Neil Gorsuch, Trump’s first appointee.

His concurrenc­e was bitter, slashing and triumphant, and it took aim at Roberts, whose concurring opinion in the California case in May had been relied on by courts around the nation to assess the constituti­onality of restrictio­ns prompted by the pandemic.

The chief justice’s basic point was that government officials, in consultati­on with scientific experts, were better positioned than judges to make determinat­ions about public health.

But Gorsuch wrote that the opinion, in South Bay Pentecosta­l Church vs. Newsom, was worthless.

“Even if the Constituti­on has taken a holiday during this pandemic, it cannot become a sabbatical,” he wrote. “Rather than apply a nonbinding and expired concurrenc­e from South Bay, courts must resume applying the Free Exercise Clause. Today, a majority of the court makes this plain.”

“We may not shelter in place when the Constituti­on is under attack,” Gorsuch wrote. “Things never go well when we do.”

Roberts responded that there was no need to act because Cuomo had, for the time being, lifted the restrictio­ns.

“Numerical capacity limits of 10 and 25 people, depending on the applicable zone, do seem unduly restrictiv­e,” he wrote. “And it may well be that such restrictio­ns violate the Free Exercise Clause. It is notnecessa­ry, however, for us to rule on that serious and difficult question at this time.”

The court’s three liberal members were to varying degrees prepared to support the restrictio­ns.

Roberts made a point of defending his colleagues from Gorsuch’s attacks, saying they were operating in good faith.

“To be clear,” the chief justice wrote, quoting from Gorsuch’s concurring opinion, “I do not regard my dissenting colleagues as ‘cutting the Constituti­on loose during a pandemic,’ yielding to ‘a particular judicial impulse to stay out of the way in times of crisis,’ or ‘sheltering in place when the Constituti­on is under attack.’ They simply view the matter differentl­y after careful study and analysis reflecting their best efforts to fulfill their responsibi­lity under the Constituti­on.”

In a separate dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, joined by Justice Elena Kagan, said the majority was being reckless.

“Justices of this court play a deadly game,” she wrote, “in second-guessing the expert judgment of health officials about the environmen­ts in which a contagious virus, now infecting a million Americans each week, spreads most easily.”

 ?? Ryan Christophe­r Jones / New York Times file photo ?? Easter Mass is livestream­ed from a mostly empty Catholic church in Brooklyn in this April photo. The Supreme Court barred restrictio­ns on religious services in New York that Gov. Andrew Cuomo had imposed to combat the coronaviru­s.
Ryan Christophe­r Jones / New York Times file photo Easter Mass is livestream­ed from a mostly empty Catholic church in Brooklyn in this April photo. The Supreme Court barred restrictio­ns on religious services in New York that Gov. Andrew Cuomo had imposed to combat the coronaviru­s.
 ?? James Estrin / New York Times ?? Congregant­s sit in distanced groups during an October service at St. Agatha Church in Brooklyn. After the ruling, New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo accused the court of political partisansh­ip.
James Estrin / New York Times Congregant­s sit in distanced groups during an October service at St. Agatha Church in Brooklyn. After the ruling, New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo accused the court of political partisansh­ip.

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