San Diego Union-Tribune

BIDEN, PUTIN CLASH OVER UKRAINE’S FUTURE

- BY DAVID E. SANGER, MICHAEL D. SHEAR & ANTON TROIANOVSK­I

President Joe Biden and Vladimir Putin laid out radically different visions on Tuesday for Ukraine’s future, offering sharply contrastin­g narratives about who is to blame for the bloody, yearlong war and seeming to agree on only one point: The conflict is nowhere near an end.

Biden repeatedly blamed Putin, the president of Russia, for dragging Europe back to brutality on a scale not seen since World War II: hundreds of thousands killed or wounded, and whole cities ruined. He accused the Russian leader of wide-ranging atrocities and called on the world to stand up to him and other “tyrants.”

“Autocrats only understand one word: No, no, no,” Biden declared, standing under a cold drizzle in front of an enthusiast­ic crowd of thousands waving American and Ukrainian flags at the royal castle in Warsaw. “President Putin chose this war,” he added. “Every day the war continues is his choice. He could end the war with a word.”

Putin expected Kyiv, Ukraine’s capital, to fall to the Russian invasion, but “Kyiv stands!” Biden thundered, appearing energized by his surprise trip to that city the day before. But he added that the fight continued, and that there would be “hard and very bitter days, victories and tragedies.”

In Moscow, giving an annual state-of-the-nation speech earlier Tuesday, Putin blamed the United States and its allies for turning the Ukraine conflict into a “global confrontat­ion.” He evoked the high-stakes drama of the Cold War by announcing a suspension of Russia’s participat­ion in the last remaining nuclear treaty with America, whose verificati­on requiremen­ts his country had already been ignoring.

The Russian leader — much like his American counterpar­t in the dueling address — indicated a grim immediate future ahead in Ukraine, one where the grinding war is likely to continue for years, testing the patience of Russia’s people, business leaders and

already bloodied military.

Putin spent much of the 100-minute speech on the nuts and bolts of preparing Russia for a long-term confrontat­ion. He urged oligarchs to bring their money home, because he said Western countries could not be trusted. He promised changes to Russia’s education system, and to science and technology policy — dragging them back from Western-style approaches — to help the country outlast sanctions.

And though he did not acknowledg­e the heavy losses Russian forces have suffered, he pledged that soldiers and draftees taking part in the war would receive two weeks of leave every six months.

Putin underpinne­d all of that with his usual appeal to cultural issues, even citing the Church of England’s considerat­ion of genderneut­ral terms to refer to God.

“Millions of people in the West understand that they are being led to a real spiritual catastroph­e,” Putin said, though he did not mention Biden by name. “The elites, one must say, are simply going crazy.”

Biden’s aides said the president’s intention was to mark Friday’s anniversar­y of the Russian invasion by celebratin­g allied solidarity and delivering the message that freedom and democracy were at stake on the battlefiel­ds of Ukraine.

But the split-screen moment was undeniable, as the two leaders spoke about 700 miles and a few hours apart. Biden did not call Putin a war criminal, as he did from Warsaw last year, but he leveled a string of accusation­s against Putin, including taking Ukrainian children in an attempt to steal the country’s future, and for months cutting off exports of Ukrainian grain, causing a global food shortage.

“Putin tried to starve the world,” Biden said.

The speeches came at a critical moment. While the European allies have held together far more effectivel­y than anyone expected a year ago, there were signs at the Munich Security Conference, which concluded Sunday, that many European leaders are wondering whether they will be able to sustain the current level of spending on arms, government support and humanitari­an aid to Ukraine.

Biden praised the spirit of the people of Moldova, a former Soviet republic, for having the resolve to “live in freedom,” and he recalled how Poles endured for decades “under the iron fist of Communist rule.” He suggested that Moldova, Poland and pro-democracy dissidents in Belarus, Russia’s authoritar­ian ally, represent the thirst for freedom in the face of oppressive regimes.

Biden acknowledg­ed that there were real questions when the war started about whether the democratic nations of Europe and the world would rise to the challenge. Those questions, he said, have now been answered.

“Yes, we would stand up for sovereignt­y — and we did,” Biden told the crowd, which stood bathed in lights aimed at the centuries-old castle. “Yes, we would stand up for the right of people to live free from aggression — and we did. We would stand up for democracy — and we did.”

The president’s speech followed meetings with President Andrzej Duda of Poland.

Biden called the relationsh­ip between their countries a crucial part of the success of NATO, which he called “maybe the most consequent­ial alliance in history.”

Biden was scheduled to meet today with the “Bucharest Nine,” the leaders of countries along the eastern f lank of NATO, most of them sharing borders with Russia, Ukraine or Belarus.

In the most impassione­d moment of the speech, Biden vowed to uphold NATO’s Article 5 defense pact. “An attack against one is an attack against all,” he declared. “It’s a sacred oath. A sacred oath to defend every inch of NATO territory.”

In Moscow, Russian officials were busy shoring up their most important internatio­nal relationsh­ip as Wang Yi, China’s most senior foreign policy official, visited the Russian capital. Video released by the Kremlin showed Wang exchanging a friendly handshake with Nikolai Patrushev, Putin’s top national security aide.

Wang met with Western officials, including Secretary of State Antony Blinken, at the Munich conference last weekend, and promised that China would try to use diplomacy to end the war in Ukraine. But the televised portion of Wang’s meeting with Patrushev focused on Russia and China’s bilateral ties.

Patrushev told Wang that both nations were under pressure from “the collective West,” so that their deepening cooperatio­n “is taking on special significan­ce.” Wang said that Russia and China should “develop new steps of strategic cooperatio­n in accordance with the changing situation.”

Wang will hold more meetings in Moscow today, and the Kremlin has hinted at a meeting with Putin.

In Putin’s speech Tuesday, the only major revelation was that he would not allow U.S. inspection­s to verify compliance with New START, a nuclear arms control treaty that is set to expire in three years. He did not signal any major change in how he would wage the war in Ukraine. There was no official declaratio­n of war, no announceme­nt of a new draft, and no new threat of using nuclear weapons.

Instead, Putin’s main underlying message was that Russians, and implicitly the Western coalition that opposes him, must prepare for the war — which he continued to call a “special military operation” — to last for years.

“We will solve the tasks before us step by step, carefully and consistent­ly,” he said.

Claiming that the West was trying to “shift a local conflict into a phase of global confrontat­ion,” he pledged that “we will respond accordingl­y.” The more long-range weapons the West delivers to Ukraine, he said, “the farther we will be forced to move the threat from our borders.”

 ?? EVAN VUCCI AP ?? President Joe Biden delivers a speech Tuesday in Warsaw to mark the anniversar­y of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
EVAN VUCCI AP President Joe Biden delivers a speech Tuesday in Warsaw to mark the anniversar­y of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
 ?? DMITRY ASTAKHOV AP ?? Russian President Vladimir Putin arrives to give his annual state of the nation address in Moscow on Tuesday.
DMITRY ASTAKHOV AP Russian President Vladimir Putin arrives to give his annual state of the nation address in Moscow on Tuesday.

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