San Francisco Chronicle

Editorial:

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President Trump has already damaged the presidency and the course of U.S. policy.

Some of President Trump’s signature campaign promises have been stymied by the courts, stalled in a Congress controlled by his own Republican Party or reconsider­ed as his own naivete about foreign affairs has run smack into the reality of the world.

But even a weakened president — and Trump’s early approval ratings are the worst in modern times — can invoke the powers of the office for the forces of good or ill.

In his first 100 days, Trump has managed to wreak considerab­le destructio­n on both the stature of the American presidency, its credibilit­y and its influence, and the course of U.S. policy at home and abroad.

Let us begin with what is inarguably his definitive tactical accomplish­ment: the nomination and confirmati­on of Neil Gorsuch to succeed the late Justice Antonin Scalia on the U.S. Supreme Court. The rollout was pitch perfect, with Trump demonstrat­ing uncharacte­ristic restraint in introducin­g a Colorado jurist with strong legal credential­s to the highest court in the land. It was a dignified announceme­nt, and Gorsuch came across with a sincerity and humility that fit the moment and the gravity of the nomination.

But even that process had an unmistakab­le element of destructio­n attached. The nomination was available to Trump only because Senate Republican­s had refused for most of 2016 to move on President Barack Obama’s similarly qualified choice, Judge Merrick Garland, for the Supreme Court. In the end, the Senate GOP’s decision to rewrite the rules to allow a simple-majority vote for confirmati­on — instead of the customary 60-vote threshold — has set the stage for Trump, and presidents after him, to choose more ideologica­lly rigid justices incapable of drawing support across party lines.

Gorsuch’s confirmati­on came at a high cost, both to the confirmati­on process and to the rights of consumers, workers, minorities and others who might have received a fairer shake under Garland.

The good news is that Trump has not gotten his way on some of his most brazen initiative­s. Federal courts have blocked his efforts to severely restrict passage from selective Muslim-majority countries or allow the U.S. government to block funding to cities, counties and states that want to provide sanctuarie­s for immigrants who have yet to establish legal status here. His proposal for a border wall met enough skepticism, from both parties, that he had to withdraw it as a condition for funding legislatio­n to avoid a government shutdown. He is now hedging on his stumpspeec­h vow to rip up the North American Free Trade Agreement with Mexico and Canada.

His promise to “repeal and replace Obamacare” ran into resistance in Congress, both from conservati­ves who wanted to go further in weaning health care from government control and more centrist Republican­s who recognized the popularity and sensibilit­y of various elements of the Democratic-passed Affordable Care Act of 2010. His tax-reform proposal, unveiled Wednesday, came across as half-baked and certain to add trillions to the national debt. It was serious only as an effort to try to claim another semi-fulfillmen­t of a campaign promise.

These are some of the areas where Trump has caused damage in the first 100 days of his presidency.

White House credibilit­y: The Trump administra­tion has been at war with the truth since its opening days, when it tried to exaggerate the size of its inaugural crowds. It has never quite recovered, with the president routinely tweeting dubious or readily refutable claims, whether it’s the Obama White House ordering surveillan­ce on him, his winning the popular vote or asserting that the U.S. murder rate was the highest in 45 years. The trust factor is shot with this White House.

Environmen­t: This has been his area of greatest destructio­n. He has used executive orders to roll back rules on climate change and air and water pollution — and protection of national monuments. He has slashed funding for scientific research. If this continues, his administra­tion could seriously undercut efforts to offset global warming, and time is not on the side of the planet. Internatio­nal relations: This is a president who has a hard time distinguis­hing between friend and foe. He has ruffled feathers with allies in Australia, Mexico and Germany, and comforted more authoritar­ianleaning leaders in Russia and Turkey. He has gone from calling the North Atlantic Treaty Organizati­on, a pillar of post-World War II stability, “obsolete” to “no longer obsolete.” China has gone from being what he called “grand champions” of currency manipulati­on to a more benign economic power and potentiall­y a help against North Korea. Speaking of which, his saber-rattling exchanges with Kim Jong Un are downright scary, with nuclear weapons at their call. Syria has gone from someone else’s problem — where interventi­on could bring World War III — to a brutal dictatorsh­ip that merited being a target of U.S. bombing. Trump’s unpredicta­bility is jarring nerves around the globe.

Domestic policy: Where to begin? His Justice Department has decided that voter ID laws — clearly designed to chill minority participat­ion — are irrelevant and that strict oversight of police misconduct is bad for force morale. He reversed executive orders that banned gun sales to the mentally ill and prohibited discrimina­tion against LGBT employees. He reinstitut­ed a “global gag rule” that proscribes health programs that receive U.S. aid from even mentioning abortion as an option. He has all but neutered the U.S. State Department. His proposed budget cuts would eviscerate federal support for after-school programs, rental assistance and the arts and humanities.

Nearly all of what he has accomplish­ed — as opposed to proposed — has come through executive orders. Remember, Trump was once the candidate who heaped scorn on Obama for acting unilateral­ly.

“The country wasn’t based on executive orders,” said Trump at a town hall in South Carolina in February 2016. “Right now, Obama goes around signing executive orders. He can’t even get along with the Democrats, and he goes around signing all these executive orders. It’s a basic disaster. You can’t do it.”

Lacking a mandate, or the skills or credibilit­y to build alliances beyond his narrow base, executive orders amount to the extent of Trump’s toolbox.

To borrow his own phrase, Trump’s 100 days have been a basic disaster.

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