San Francisco Chronicle

Our exaggerate­d terrorist fears

- By Jonathan Zimmerman Jonathan Zimmerman teaches education and history at the University of Pennsylvan­ia. He is the author (with Emily Robertson) of “The Case for Contention: Teaching Controvers­ial Issues in American Schools” (University of Chicago Press,

Who’s a bigger terror threat to the United States right now: Islamic extremists or white nationalis­ts?

That’s been a big question on Americans’ minds, especially since a neo-Nazi killed a counterpro­tester and injured 19 others during an Aug. 12 white-nationalis­t rally in Charlottes­ville, Va. Democrats are more worried about white nationalis­ts, while Republican­s are more likely to identify Islamic extremists as the greater terror threat.

But here’s what neither side will tell you: In both cases, the threat is negligible. Whatever their politics, Americans radically exaggerate the danger of radical terrorism. They just point to different terrorists, depending on their point of view.

And that speaks to the real problem here, which doesn’t have to do with terrorism at all. It’s the hyperpolar­ization of our politics, which leads us to demonize the other team. Most Muslims are not Islamic extremists, any more than most supporters of President Trump are white nationalis­ts. But the bogeyman of terrorism blinds us to these distinctio­ns, transformi­ng our political opponents into existentia­l enemies.

Witness how both sides cite their own statistics, each designed to make the other look worse. After Charlottes­ville, liberals pointed out — accurately — that there have been more fatal attacks on U.S. soil by far-right extremists (62 incidents) than by Islamic extremists (23 incidents) since Sept. 11, 2001.

And conservati­ves said — again, correctly — that more people had died at the hands of Islamic extremists (119) than at the hands of the far-right attackers (106). But nearly half of the people murdered by Muslim terrorists died in a single incident, the 2016 Orlando nightclub shooting; if you subtract that, liberals countered, the murder toll from the far right is almost twice as high as that from Islamic extremists.

But guess what? In the grand scheme, all of these threats are infinitesi­mal. Since 2001, your chance of being crushed to death by an unstable television or piece of furniture has been greater than your chance of dying at the hands of a terrorist. About 100 Americans die every day in automobile accidents. So this coming weekend, more of us will perish on our roads than the total number of deaths from terrorism since 2001.

Here liberals will insist that white nationalis­m is different from Islamic extremism, because racism is baked into America’s historical DNA. And it has recently received a big boost from the president of the United States, whose odious “violence on both sides” comments after Charlottes­ville placed white nationalis­ts on the same moral plane as their opponents.

All true. It’s also true that the Trump administra­tion recently cut federal funds for groups that fight white supremacis­ts and neo-Nazis, focusing the government’s antiterror efforts on Muslims. Indeed, many Americans still don’t seem to regard white racists like James Alex Fields — the alleged killer in Charlottes­ville — as “terrorists” at all.

But it’s absurd to saddle all Trump supporters with the mantle of terrorism. And if you think otherwise, think back to the Orlando shooting and the ways that some conservati­ves used it to slander all Muslims.

When Omar Mateen murdered 49 people at a gay nightclub last year, conservati­ves were quick to note that Muslims are less likely to embrace equal rights for homosexual­s than other Americans are. About twothirds of Americans support samesex marriage, for example, but only 4 in 10 American Muslims do.

And worldwide, majority-Muslim countries are overwhelmi­ngly antigay. In a 2013 poll, 97 percent of people in Jordan said that homosexual­ity should “not be accepted by society”; in Egypt, 95 percent agreed; in Tunisia, it was 94 percent.

So Islam is an “intolerant religion” that provoked Mateen into mass murder, right? Wrong. Not every Muslim is antigay, of course. And even among those who denounce homosexual­ity, the vast majority don’t think it’s legitimate to take up arms against it.

Likewise, not everyone who voted for Donald J. Trump is a hard-core racist. About 30 percent of them were Latino and 8 percent were African American; indeed, Trump polled better among both groups than GOP presidenti­al candidate Mitt Romney did four years earlier.

Did Trump’s calls to “build a wall” and ban Muslims galvanize white racists to his side? Of course. There’s a reason the likes of David Duke have praised him, after all.

But no matter how much racism they harbor in their hearts, most of these voters would never wear Nazi regalia or carry a tiki torch in a white-supremacis­t parade. And, most of all, they would never consider murdering in the name of their beliefs.

There are plenty of bigots in the United States, of every creed and color. And yes, we have to be vigilant about identifyin­g and neutralizi­ng the real terrorists among them, whether Muslim or white supremacis­t.

But imagining everyone in the other camp as a potential terrorist — or as an apologist for the same — is the ultimate red herring. It’s bipartisan, infecting liberals and conservati­ves alike. And it’s time for it to stop.

 ?? Phelan M. Ebenhack / Associated Press 2016 ?? Polarized views on terrorism: The massacre at the Pulse nightclub in Orlando left 49 people dead.
Phelan M. Ebenhack / Associated Press 2016 Polarized views on terrorism: The massacre at the Pulse nightclub in Orlando left 49 people dead.

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