San Francisco Chronicle

How Kavanaugh could impact state

- By Bob Egelko

Brett Kavanaugh’s elevation to the U.S. Supreme Court could solidify its conservati­ve majority for a decade or more and affect issues as profound as climate change, abortion, health care and the scope of presidenti­al power. And for California, the stakes also include an array of pending and future legal battles on topics ranging from immigratio­n to vehicle emissions, net neutrality and the 2020 census.

California Attorney General Xavier Becerra has filed or joined dozens of lawsuits challengin­g Trump administra­tion decisions to roll back regulation­s issued under President Barack Obama. The administra­tion, meanwhile, has sued the state over its sanctuary law, which limits cooperatio­n between local police and federal immigratio­n agents, and the net neutrality law that requires internet service providers to treat all traffic equally, rather than speeding up or otherwise favoring content from websites that pay more.

Kavanaugh did not address most of those issues directly in his 12 years as a federal appeals court judge before President Trump nominated him in July to succeed the retiring Justice Anthony Kennedy. One exception involved nationwide net neutrality rules, which Kavanaugh voted to strike down in a dissenting opinion last year as a violation of providers’ free speech and an abuse of federal regulatory authority. That was before a Trump-appointed Federal Communicat­ions Commission majority repealed the rules.

But Kavanaugh has given hints of how he would view

some of the California cases should they make it to the court. He has been frequently skeptical of government’s regulatory authority, often a critical issue in environmen­tal cases. In rulings and academic writings, he has also been a strong supporter of presidenti­al authority, saying a president who considers a law unconstitu­tional can refuse to enforce it.

“I think he’ll generally favor federal executive power over state authority, at least when that federal executive power is exercised by an administra­tion with a deregulato­ry agenda,” said Dave Owen, an environmen­tal law professor at UC Hastings in San Francisco.

But another Hastings environmen­tal law professor, David Takacs, said Kavanaugh would have to weigh his deference to presidenti­al authority against his commitment to “federalism,” or state autonomy.

“Kavanaugh would likely defer to executive branch decision-making, but also supposedly stands for a conservati­ve view of states’ rights,” Takacs said.

Here is a look at some of the California cases:

Immigratio­n

Sanctuary laws: In California, local government­s, including San Francisco, and the state are locked in a legal battle with the administra­tion over the the validity of the so-called sanctuary state law and U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions’ attempt to punish state and local government­s that refuse to help enforce federal immigratio­n laws. So far, federal courts have sided with the state and the local government­s.

Deportatio­ns: California has also joined in the fight to block the Trump administra­tion’s campaign to seal the nation’s borders and ramp up arrests and deportatio­ns of undocument­ed immigrants, and its attempt to deport more than 700,000 undocument­ed immigrants who came to the U.S. as children.

The state has also sued to block the administra­tion’s cancellati­on of protection­s for 300,000 migrants who were permitted to live in the U.S. after their homelands were struck by wars or natural disasters. Lower courts have largely ruled in the immigrants’ favor.

Outlook: The court has been divided on immigratio­n, but it deferred to Trump’s executive authority in the 5-4 ruling in June that upheld the president’s ban on U.S. entry from a group of mostly Muslim countries. Kavanaugh appeared to share that view of presidenti­al authority in the handful of immigratio­n cases he considered on the appeals court.

In a 2008 case, he wrote in a dissenting opinion that “illegal immigrant workers” had no right to join a labor union, despite the majority’s contention that the Supreme Court had reached the opposite conclusion in 1984. He also wrote a dissent that would have prevented a Brazilian steak house from bringing chefs to the U.S. under a visa program that required “specialize­d knowledge,” disputing his court’s majority view that the chefs’ cultural knowledge could be considered “specialize­d.”

In another dissent, Kavanaugh said last year that an undocument­ed, pregnant 17-year-old did not have the right to an abortion while in federal immigratio­n custody.

“I think (Kavanaugh) will generally be amenable to the federal government’s enforcemen­t efforts, providing wide deference to the executive,” said Pratheepan Gulasekara­m, a professor of immigratio­n law at Santa Clara University. But he said the sanctuary cases, pitting federal against state and local authority, will reveal whether Kavanagh is “a fair-weather federalist.”

Reproducti­ve rights

California has a stake in a reproducti­ve-rights case that could reach the Supreme Court. The case involves a challenge to a Trump administra­tion rule allowing employers to deny birth control coverage to women for religious or moral reasons. A Bay Area federal judge blocked enforcemen­t of the rule in December, and a federal appeals court will hear the administra­tion’s appeal next week.

Kavanaugh seems likely to side with the administra­tion. In a dissent in 2015, he said employees and educators should be allowed to deny contracept­ive coverage for religious reasons. And on a court that has been bitterly divided over abortion, Kavanaugh has made his position clear, both in his opinion on the undocument­ed immigrant seeking an abortion and in his recent praise of then-Justice William Rehnquist’s dissent in Roe vs. Wade, the 1973 ruling that legalized abortion nationwide.

Environmen­t

California has sued the Trump administra­tion for repealing rules that limited emissions of climate heating methane gas from federal and tribal lands; restricted the pollutionp­rone drilling technique known as fracking, or hydraulic fracturing, on federally managed lands; and set new energy-saving standards for appliances such as portable air conditione­rs and building heaters.

The state is also preparing for a court battle with the administra­tion over its decades-old authority to set its own, stricter standards for vehicle emissions of greenhouse gases. The Environmen­tal Protection Agency has announced plans to revoke California’s waiver and set a single standard for the nation. Attorneys for the state say the EPA has not provided a rational explanatio­n for its action.

Outlook: Kavanaugh’s record in environmen­tal cases prompted the Sierra Club and other conservati­on groups to oppose his appointmen­t.

He wrote a ruling in 2015 that barred the EPA from requiring states to limit air pollution that is blown across state lines to their neighbors. That ruling was later partially reversed by the Supreme Court. Kavanaugh wrote another decision last year overturnin­g an EPA rule that required manufactur­ers of products such as air conditione­rs and aerosols to stop using climate changing ingredient­s called hydrofluor­ocarbons. The Supreme Court, with Kavanaugh not participat­ing, denied an appeal of his ruling on Tuesday.

UC Hastings’ Takacs noted that Kennedy had voted with the majority in the Supreme Court’s most important environmen­tal case in recent years, a 5-4 ruling in 2007 that authorized the EPA to regulate greenhouse gases as a form of air pollution. Kavanaugh, Takacs said, mostly likely would have voted the other way.

California is one of several states challengin­g the Trump administra­tion’s plan to ask participan­ts in the 2020 census whether they are U.S. citizens, a question that was last included in 1950. The administra­tion says the inquiry would aid in enforcemen­t of civil rights laws, but opponents say it is intended to reduce participat­ion in high immigrant states, costing them congressio­nal representa­tion and billions of dollars in federal funds.

Outlook: The case will test the court’s deference to executive authority. The justices could tip their hand shortly if they grant the Trump administra­tion’s request to block states from questionin­g Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and another official about their motives in adding the citizenshi­p question.

Net neutrality

The Trump administra­tion has sued California in a federal court in Sacramento over its new law. The critical issue appears to be whether a state’s attempt to regulate internet service providers interferes with interstate commerce, which is in the federal government’s domain — although Trump’s Federal Communicat­ions Commission members disavowed any regulatory authority of their own. Kavanaugh’s argument last year that the regulation violates free speech could give the court a formula for striking the law down altogether.

 ?? Andrew Harnik / Associated Press ?? New Justice Brett Kavanaugh has frequently been skeptical of government’s regulatory authority.
Andrew Harnik / Associated Press New Justice Brett Kavanaugh has frequently been skeptical of government’s regulatory authority.

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