San Francisco Chronicle

Region, a decade after lethal riots, under lockdown

- By Dake Kang Dake Kang is an Associated Press writer.

ISTANBUL — A decade after deadly riots tore through his hometown, Kamilane Abudushala­mu still vividly recalls the violence that left him an exile.

On July 5, 2009, Abudushala­mu was hiding with his father on the 10th floor of an office tower in Urumqi, the capital of China’s Xinjiang region that is home to the Turkic Uighur ethnic minority. By a park, he spotted a bus on fire. Then he heard a crack as a motorcycle nearby exploded.

Hours later, when he and his father stepped out to sprint home, he saw crowds of Uighurs stabbing Han Chinese in front of a middle school. The bodies of half a dozen people lay scattered on the streets — just a fraction of the estimated 200 killed that night.

Abudushala­mu and tens of thousands of other Uighurs now live in Turkey, cut off from friends and family back home. Analysts say the Urumqi riots set in motion the harsh security measures now in place across Xinjiang, where about 1 million Uighurs, Kazakhs and other Muslims are estimated to be held in heavily guarded internment camps. Former detainees have told reporters that they are subject to indoctrina­tion and psychologi­cal torture.

Weeks before the riots, Han workers had killed at least two Uighur migrants in a brawl at a toy factory in Shaoguan, an industrial city in China’s coastal Guangdong province. The Han workers were angry about the alleged rapes of Han women by Uighur men, though a government investigat­ion later concluded there was no evidence such an assault had taken place.

Images and videos of the brawl quickly circulated among Uighurs back in Xinjiang, including gory scenes of what appeared to be a Han Chinese man dragging a dead Uighur by his hair.

The videos enraged many Uighurs long upset with the Handominat­ed government that took control of their region following the Communist revolution in 1949.

The litany of complaints was long: heavy restrictio­ns on religious education, discrimina­tion against collegeedu­cated Uighurs looking for jobs, subsidies and benefits for Han migrants to settle on lands once owned by Uighurs.

Among the most odious were threats from state officials of fines or even jail time if parents didn’t send their young, unmarried daughters to work in factories in inner China. “

In the following years, a series of violent incidents rocked Xinjiang and elsewhere. Dozens of civilians were hacked to death at a busy train station in China’s south. A Uighur drove a car into crowds at Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. Fortythree died when men threw bombs from two sports utility vehicles plowing through a busy market street in Urumqi.

Already tight limits on religion, culture, education and dress began tightening even further, with restrictio­ns on long beards and headscarve­s and the detentions of prominent Uighur academics and literary figures who were widely considered moderate advocates of traditiona­l Uighur culture.

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