San Francisco Chronicle

D.A.’s political fate in hands of voters

- By Megan Cassidy Megan Cassidy is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. Email: megan. cassidy@sfchronicl­e.com Twitter: @meganrcass­idy

On June 7, San Francisco voters will decide the political fate of District Attorney Chesa Boudin, a former public defender elected in 2019 on vows to help create a more equitable system of criminal justice and to hold police officers accountabl­e for wrongdoing.

Boudin came to power amid a wave of progressiv­e prosecutor victories throughout the country, as a growing contingent of voters renewed calls to reject tough-on-crime laws that swelled prison population­s.

But now, two years later, the judicial philosophy that propelled Boudin’s win may lead to his undoing as his detractors claim that his approach to criminal justice has made San Francisco less safe.

The race has become polarizing and vicious, with hyperbole often replacing nuance and facts. Here is what you need to know before casting your ballot.

For a full look at Bay Area elections and California primary races, visit the Voter Guide at SFChronicl­e.com.

What led to the recall election?

People seeking to oust Boudin say his policies, like his emphasis on rehabilita­tion and finding alternativ­es to incarcerat­ion, allow criminals to cycle through the justice system without concrete consequenc­es. They often point to highprofil­e instances in which people accused, or even convicted, of previous crimes re-offend, such as when a man who was on parole and had numerous recent arrests struck and killed two women while driving intoxicate­d in a stolen car.

Viral videos of mass shopliftin­g in places like San Francisco’s Union Square or of individual­s making off with merchandis­e from Walgreens stores has also contribute­d to the notion that criminals operate with impunity in the city.

Critics also allege that Boudin’s management style has left the office in turmoil after waves of resignatio­ns and firings. Brooke Jenkins, a former homicide prosecutor under Boudin, has said the district attorney prioritize­s politics over day-to-day prosecutio­ns.

Boudin’s backers point to crime statistics that show few meaningful changes since Boudin took office, especially in comparison to other cities around the country. They also say Boudin can’t prosecute cases his office doesn’t receive, and point to low arrest rates for property crimes by the city’s Police Department.

Boudin’s supporters argue that people pushing the recall are attempting to bring to San Francisco conservati­ve, “tough-on-crime” approaches that in the past have led to the disproport­ionate incarcerat­ion of Black and brown people. They say the campaign intends to tap into public frustratio­n with property crime and the city’s enduring homelessne­ss crisis.

Those against the recall say that office turnover is common with a changing of the guard, and that public offices throughout the Bay Area and the nation have been subject to the “great resignatio­n.”

Further, officials in Boudin’s office said they have been filling vacancies quickly with highly qualified attorneys.

What are the key battlegrou­nds?

Boudin’s approach to handling drug dealing — particular­ly in the city’s long-troubled Tenderloin district — has been among the most vigorous debates in the run-up to the election. Boudin’s critics say his office is failing to penalize those accused of drug crimes, and blame him for a spike in overdose deaths.

His supporters say the recall team is advocating for the same policies that led to the failed war on drugs, and addiction — the root cause of drug crimes — has never been solved by incarcerat­ion.

Instances of violence against the city’s Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders have also emerged as an impassione­d area of debate.

Boudin’s critics lay blame on him for many of the high-profile instances of violence against the community — particular­ly its elders. The district attorney was blasted after being quoted saying that the suspect in the death of 84year-old Thai man Vicha Ratanapakd­ee was having a “temper tantrum” prior to the fatal attack.

His supporters say it’s dishonest to attribute a national increase on AAPI attacks on a local elected official. They additional­ly point to Boudin’s expansions of victims services in his office, which include more language services and an AAPI Elder Abuse steering committee.

Is crime up or down in San Francisco?

While many San Francisco residents agree that the city feels less safe than it has before, crime data does not match this perception in large part.

Overall, violent crime in San Francisco has declined during the pandemic — which began about two months after Boudin took office in January 2020 — and it remains lower than at any point since 1985, according to FBI data.

Murders and shootings have increased, though many major U.S. cities have seen a more dramatic increase in murders than has San Francisco.

San Francisco’s property crime rate, meanwhile, has long remained higher than other cities’. Burglaries began spiking starting in mid-2020 and have declined this year to their pre-pandemic rates. Motor vehicle thefts have remained elevated, a trend that is not unique to San Francisco. Overall property crime in San Francisco declined during the pandemic but did not hit historic lows.

A Chronicle data analysis has shown that wealthier San Francisco neighborho­ods are experienci­ng crime trends differentl­y from lesswealth­y ones. On average, the 10 neighborho­ods with the highest incomes saw a 7.8% increase in rates of major “money-motivated” crime types — motor vehicle thefts, larceny thefts, robberies and burglaries — from 2018 and 2019 to 2020 and 2021.

Research suggests district attorneys typically have little sway over crime trends. Magnus Lofstrom, a senior researcher at the nonpartisa­n Public Policy Institute of California, said there is “no credible research pointing to a relationsh­ip between D.A.s and broader measures of public safety, such as crime rates.”

What happens if Boudin is recalled?

Mayor London Breed, a moderate in San Francisco politics, will choose Boudin’s successor if he gets recalled. However, her pick could just be a placeholde­r until the next D.A. election, depending on the results of a June 7 ballot measure.

Voters will decide whether to amend city law to say that the mayor can still appoint an interim officer after a recall, but that the person could not run for election.

How much money has each campaign raised?

Pro-recall causes have outearned Boudin’s camp by more than a 2-to-1 ratio, according to the most recent finance reports. Four organizati­ons that have raised money to oppose the recall collected about $2.46 million, while prorecall groups have received more than $5 million, according to campaign finance reports.

Who’s funding each campaign?

The top three donors to the recall campaign are: Shorenstei­n Realty Services and Affiliated Entities, a real estate group that’s contribute­d $633,000 to Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, a PAC that’s donated about $2.7 million for Boudin’s ouster; William Oberndorf, a Republican megadonor who has put $651,000 into the recall and Neighbors PAC; and the California Associatio­n of Realtors, who gave $250,000.

The top contributo­rs for Boudin’s camp are the ACLU of Northern California, which donated $350,000; Dignity SEIU Local 2015, a union of long-term caregivers that gave $140,000; and SEIU 1021, a union of local government employees that donated $115,000.

 ?? Jana Asenbrenne­rova / Special to The Chronicle ?? Protesters advocating for the recall of District Attorney Chesa Boudin attend San Francisco’s St. Patrick’s Day Parade. He was elected to the post in 2019.
Jana Asenbrenne­rova / Special to The Chronicle Protesters advocating for the recall of District Attorney Chesa Boudin attend San Francisco’s St. Patrick’s Day Parade. He was elected to the post in 2019.

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