Santa Cruz Sentinel

Perils from abortion bans might create opportunit­ies for Democrats

- By Colleen Long

For much of her life, Angela Crawford considered herself a fairly conservati­ve Republican — and she voted that way. But then a wave of court rulings and Republican-led actions in states restricted abortion and later in vitro fertilizat­ion, the very procedure that had helped her conceive her daughter.

Now, Crawford, 38, is working to gather signatures in her home state of Missouri for a ballot initiative in the fall that would enshrine access to abortion and other reproducti­ve health care. And she's voting for Democrats.

When Roe v. Wade was overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2022, Republican­s insisted the ruling would mostly affect those seeking abortions to end unwanted pregnancie­s. But that hasn't been the case.

Women who never intended to end their pregnancie­s have nearly died because they could not get emergency treatment. Miscarriag­e care has been delayed. Routine reproducti­ve medical care is drying up in states with strict bans. Fertility treatments were temporaril­y paused in Alabama. As the fallout grows, so does the opportunit­y for Democrats.

“I wish everyone would realize how big this topic is,” Crawford said of reproducti­ve rights. “People really minimized it initially, because they didn't realize the scope.”

Democratic candidates are increasing­ly running on the broader reproducti­ve rights issues and they are seeing results.

For Biden, who is trying to overcome consistent­ly low approval ratings and Republican Donald Trump's loyal following in order to win reelection

in November, the broader matter of reproducti­ve health is becoming an increasing­ly potent issue as rights diminish in states such as Indiana, Florida and, soon, Arizona.

A Texas woman who went into premature labor, developed sepsis and nearly died because she was unable to get an abortion, and a Louisiana woman who said restrictiv­e laws prevented her from getting miscarriag­e care are campaignin­g for Biden in North Carolina. At a Durham community center, blue and red signs with phrases such as “Stop Trump's Abortion Ban” lined the wall.

Doctors attending the event said that helping pregnant patients has become much harder. And tasks they have never had to consider, such as printing out driving instructio­ns to Virginia for patients unable to get an abortion in North Carolina, have become more common.

The uncertaint­y has also motivated Amaia Clayton, a student from Duke University, to get more politicall­y involved.

“I mean, I'm 19. I'm in college,” she said. “Reproducti­ve health care is very, very applicable to me right now, and it will be very applicable to me for the foreseeabl­e future.”

In Alabama, the pause

in IVF services was temporary, but it sent shock waves across the country as other states are weighing laws that could create similar results.

Voters have consistent­ly sent strong messages of disapprova­l over the past two years about restrictin­g abortion rights, and Republican­s, including Trump, are struggling to find a satisfying and consistent response.

“What we continue to see are more and more extreme positions on this issue, now around contracept­ion and IVF,” said Biden's campaign manager, Julie Chavez Rodriguez. “And these are policies that voters have continued to reject time and time again.”

Support for abortion access drove women to the polls during the 2022 midterm elections, delivering Democrats unexpected success.

About two-thirds of Americans say abortion should generally be legal, according to polling by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. Only about onequarter say abortion should always be legal and only about 1 in 10 say it should always be illegal.

Since the fall of Roe, several states have enacted strict abortion bans or worked to make their laws stricter. In Arizona, the state Supreme Court on Tuesday ruled that officials may enforce an 1864 law criminaliz­ing all abortions except when a woman's life is at stake.

When voters have been given the choice, they have approved statewide ballot initiative­s to preserve or expand the right to abortion. In a follow-up to the end of Roe, Alabama's highest court in February ruled that frozen embryos were children, a decision that led to the temporary pause in in vitro fertilizat­ion services. Alabama also has one of the strictest abortion bans in the nation.

Democrat Marilyn Lands made it a major focal point of her campaign to flip a seat in the Alabama House in a suburban district that, while increasing­ly politicall­y moderate, had long been held by the GOP. And she won. Two years earlier, she had lost her bid for that seat.

Lochrane Chase, 36, of Birmingham, Alabama, had her IVF treatments paused because of the state court's decision. That changed how she engages with politics. She said she routinely votes for Republican­s. But this time, she supported Lands.

“The IVF ruling made me realize that the Roe v. Wade decision has set such a dangerous precedent for states who now have the power to make their own rules,” Chase said.

Reproducti­ve rights advocates are not surprised. They expected the ripple effects.

“Despite all of our knowledge — and this has been in plain sight — we face a believabil­ity gap with the American people,” said Mini Timmaraju, president of Reproducti­ve Freedom for All. It was the same before the fall of Roe, she said. People just did not believe it could happen.

 ?? MANUEL BALCE CENETA — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE ?? Former President Donald Trump speaks at a Get Out The Vote rally in Conway, S.C., on Feb. 10.
MANUEL BALCE CENETA — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE Former President Donald Trump speaks at a Get Out The Vote rally in Conway, S.C., on Feb. 10.

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