Santa Fe New Mexican

Trump proceeds with post-impeachmen­t purge amid pandemic

- By Peter Baker

Remember the impeachmen­t? President Donald Trump does. Even in the middle of a pandemic, he made clear Saturday that he remained fixated on purging the government of those he believes betrayed him during the inquiry that led to his Senate trial.

The president’s under-cover-ofdarkness decision late Friday to fire Michael Atkinson, the intelligen­ce community’s inspector general who insisted last year on forwarding a whistleblo­wer complaint to Congress, swept away one more official deemed insufficie­ntly loyal as part of a larger purge that has already rid the administra­tion of many key figures in the impeachmen­t drama.

Trump made no effort at a news briefing Saturday to pretend the dismissal was anything other than retributio­n for Atkinson’s action under a law requiring such complaints be disclosed to lawmakers. “I thought he did a terrible job, absolutely terrible,” Trump said. “He took a fake report and he brought it to Congress.” Capping a long, angry denunciati­on of the impeachmen­t, he added, “The man is a disgrace to IGs. He’s a total disgrace.”

Trump’s hunt for informers and turncoats proceeds even while most Americans are focused on the coronaviru­s outbreak that has killed thousands and shut down most of the country. The president’s determinat­ion to wipe out perceived treachery underscore­s his intense distrust of the government that he oversees at a time when he is relying on career public health and emergency management officials to help guide him through one of the most dangerous periods in modern American history.

“It was a Friday Night Massacre, a purely vindictive decision with no apparent purpose other than punishing the inspector general for doing his job,” said Chris Whipple, author of The Spymasters, a coming history of CIA directors to be published in September. “What’s next? Unmasking the whistleblo­wer and hauling him into the dock? The signal here to the intelligen­ce community is, do not dare tell the president what he doesn’t want to hear.”

At his briefing Saturday, Trump likewise endorsed the firing of Capt. Brett Crozier of the Navy, who was removed from command of the aircraft carrier Theodore Roosevelt after sending his superiors a letter pleading for help for his virus-stricken crew. “He shouldn’t be talking that way in a letter,” the president said. “I thought it was terrible what he did.”

While appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate, inspectors general are government watchdogs traditiona­lly granted a great deal of independen­ce so that they can ferret out waste, fraud and other misconduct in government agencies without fear of reprisal.

But Trump has demonstrat­ed repeatedly that he has little regard for the positions, which were created by Congress after Watergate to increase government accountabi­lity, and expects executive branch officials to serve his interests.

His administra­tion has quarreled with various inspectors general and more than a dozen such positions are currently unfilled. When Trump signed the $2.2 trillion coronaviru­s relief package, he issued a signing statement saying he will not allow a special inspector general created by the law to monitor spending to send reports to Congress without his supervisio­n.

On Friday night, even as he fired Atkinson, Trump installed Brian Miller, a White House aide, as the special inspector general for the relief spending, raising questions about how beholden he will be to the president in scrutinizi­ng the execution of the largest such stimulus program in history.

Sen. Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, said Miller’s selection missed the point of what such an oversight official’s mission should be. “To nominate a member of the president’s own staff is exactly the wrong type of person to choose for this position,” Schumer said Saturday.

Schumer’s office released a letter that Atkinson sent the senator on March 18 in response to concerns about whistleblo­wers. “As you know, the past six months have been a searing time for whistleblo­wers and for those who work to protect them from reprisal or threat of reprisal for reporting wrongdoing,” Atkinson wrote. Promised protection­s are meaningles­s if whistleblo­wers are “vilified, threatened, publicly ridiculed or — perhaps even worse — utterly abandoned by fair weather whistleblo­wer champions.”

Trump’s dismissal of Atkinson was the latest instance of the president continuing to pursue his personal and policy agenda while the nation has been consumed by the pandemic. He rolled back car pollution rules and used the virus to justify tougher controls at the border with Mexico and a new rule undercutti­ng federal unions.

Trump acted against the inspector general two months after the Senate voted almost entirely along party lines to acquit him on charges of abuse of power and obstructio­n of Congress stemming from his efforts to pressure Ukraine to incriminat­e Democrats while withholdin­g desperatel­y needed security aid. But even as he has been managing the pandemic response, impeachmen­t remains on Trump’s mind.

After the Senate trial ended, Trump began removing officials seen as enemies. The target list was long and varied, including Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman, a national security aide who testified before the House under subpoena, and his twin brother, Lt. Col. Yevgeny Vindman, who had nothing to do with impeachmen­t other than being family. Ambassador Gordon Sondland, another witness, was removed.

Ambassador William Taylor, the acting chief diplomat in Ukraine who also testified, was brought home early. John Rood, the undersecre­tary of defense, was ousted. Joseph Maguire, the acting director of national intelligen­ce, was pushed out early. Elaine McCusker, a Defense Department official who questioned the aid freeze had her nomination to be Pentagon comptrolle­r withdrawn. Jessie Liu, who prosecuted Trump’s friend, Roger Stone, had her nomination to be undersecre­tary of the Treasury withdrawn.

Mick Mulvaney, the acting White House chief of staff, who admitted at a news briefing that the security aid was held up in part to leverage Ukraine to investigat­e Democrats (and then tried to take his statement back), was fired March 6 even as the pandemic was beginning to spread more widely.

As the intelligen­ce community’s inspector general, Atkinson received the whistleblo­wer complaint filed last August by a CIA official about Trump’s dealings with Ukraine. Atkinson concluded that he was required by law to disclose the complaint to Congress, but the Trump administra­tion initially refused until pressured by lawmakers.

Trump said Saturday that Atkinson should not have forwarded the whistleblo­wer’s complaint because it was fake, but in fact the bulk of the informatio­n included in it was verified by witness testimony and other evidence collected by House investigat­ors.

Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, said Trump should provide more justificat­ion for firing an inspector general. “They help drain the swamp, so any removal demands an explanatio­n,” Grassley said in a statement. “Congress has been crystal clear that written reasons must be given when IGs are removed for a lack of confidence. More details are needed from the administra­tion.”

Sen. Richard Burr, R-N.C., chairman of the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee, was more tempered, noting that an inspector serves at the pleasure of the president. “However,” he added, “in order to be effective, the IG must be allowed to conduct his or her work independen­t of internal or external pressure. It is my hope the next nominee for the role of ICIG will uphold the same important standards laid out by Congress when we created this role.”

As it happened, one inspector general who has earned Trump’s favor for his report criticizin­g the FBI’s handling of the Russia investigat­ion stood by Atkinson. Michael E. Horowitz, the inspector general at the Justice Department and head of the Council of the Inspectors General on Integrity and Efficiency, said Atkinson was known “for his integrity, profession­alism, and commitment to the rule of law and independen­t oversight.”

“That,” Horowitz added, “includes his actions in handling the Ukraine whistleblo­wer complaint.”

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