Santa Fe New Mexican

Latino voters are key to winning the White House

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MIAMI — Every four years, without fail, the two mainstream political parties try to win over Latino voters for their respective presidenti­al candidates. The reason is clear: There is no route to the White House without the support of Latinos.

This wooing is carried out with cynicism and fueled by the political ambitions of all concerned. Republican­s and Democrats alike seem to rediscover us every four years, then forget about us until the next election. It’s such an open and flagrant display of opportunis­m that some people have called it the Christophe­r Columbus syndrome.

Historical­ly, Latinos are more likely to vote for Democrats than for Republican­s. According to a survey published by Latino Decisions in August, 66 percent of those registered to vote lean toward Joe Biden this year, compared to 24 percent who favor President Donald Trump. If Trump can’t attract more Latino voters, he is likely to lose the election.

Given the growing number of Latino voters, the courting process has also become more sophistica­ted. Years ago, a candidate need only toss out a few words in Spanish — Ronald Reagan said little more than “Muchas gracias” in his speech proclaimin­g National Hispanic Heritage Week, just weeks before the 1984 election — but today specific promises are required, like the one made by Barack Obama during his 2008 campaign to introduce comprehens­ive immigratio­n reform in Congress — a promise he did not keep.

But regardless of who wins Nov. 3, Latinos will shape the future.

In 2020, the ritual is in full effect. Trump boasted about the record low unemployme­nt rates among Latinos before the pandemic. And a naturaliza­tion ceremony at the White House was featured during the Republican National Convention, showcasing Trump’s alleged commitment to America’s newcomers.

This stands in sharp contrast with his administra­tion’s actions: constant attacks on immigrants; separating more than 5,000 children from their parents at the Mexican border, even detaining some in cages; and trying to end protection­s for the 700,000 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals recipients.

More recently, Trump has taken to calling immigrants murderers and rapists again. No wonder one of those newly sworn-in Americans who attended the White House ceremony, Robert Ramírez, originally from Bolivia, wasn’t willing to say he would vote for Trump. “I will vote,” he told Univision, “but my vote is private.”

Democrats are also good at making promises, and lots of them. Their nominee has pledged something millions of Latino immigrants have been waiting decades for. “This is my promise to you,” Biden posted on Twitter. “On Day 1,

I’ll send a bill to Congress that creates a clear road map to citizenshi­p for Dreamers and 11 million undocument­ed people who are already strengthen­ing our nation. It’s long overdue.”

Yet when Biden was serving as vice president, the Obama administra­tion not only failed to offer comprehens­ive immigratio­n reform, it deported over 3 million undocument­ed residents. Biden’s promise is fundamenta­l to making right that mistake and winning back the trust of the Latino community. Even so, those who think Democrats take Latino votes for granted remain wary, which could hurt turnout for Biden.

This year, a projected 32 million Latinos will be eligible to vote, making them the largest racial or ethnic minority ever to participat­e in a presidenti­al election. And for the first time, Latinos will outnumber Black voters, according to the Pew Research Center.

The power of Latino voters is evident in states such as Florida and Arizona. Had the Latino turnout been higher in those states in 2016, Trump might not be president. But over half of all Latinos eligible to vote didn’t do so. Consequent­ly, history was written in Michigan, Pennsylvan­ia and Wisconsin.

Despite the racist insults he hurled at Mexican immigrants during his last campaign (“They are bringing drugs. They are bringing crime. They’re rapists.”), Trump won 28 percent of the Latino vote. Though not even close to the 66 percent that voted for Hillary Clinton, it was enough to win him the election. Clearly, even insults couldn’t convince that small slice of the Latino electorate that Trump, who promised economic opportunit­y, a wall and a crackdown on dictatorsh­ips in Cuba and Venezuela, was unfit for office.

I myself have surfed the great Latino wave. When I arrived in the United States in the early 1980s, fewer than 15 million Latinos lived in this country; now we number more than 60 million. And in less than three decades, we will be at 100 million, according to estimates.

These numbers mean no candidate will be able to achieve power in the United States without Latino support. Karl Rove, chief adviser to President George W. Bush, understood this perfectly. In 2004, Bush won 44 percent of the Latino vote, more than any other Republican presidenti­al candidate ever. It was the first time Republican­s tried to divide the Latino vote and prove the phrase attributed to Ronald Reagan: “Latinos are Republican. They just don’t know it yet.”

But instead of continuing their efforts to court Latino voters, Republican­s turned their backs. As a candidate in 2016, Trump announced he would build his wall at the border, and that Mexico would pay for it. This is not how to win the hearts of Latinos.

The Latino vote is increasing­ly powerful, diverse and sophistica­ted. And in exchange for that vote, which can make or break a president, the Latino community expects concrete benefits. A few words in Spanish and a few empty promises are no longer enough.

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