Santa Fe New Mexican

Party of teetotaler­s takes aim at cigarettes

- Milan Simonich Ringside Seat

The Prohibitio­n Party is in the midst of an unwanted dry spell that seems endless. Many residents of modern America have never heard of the party of teetotaler­s, establishe­d in 1869. The reason is its greatest victories occurred more than a century ago.

Sidney Johnston Catts was the Prohibitio­n Party’s most successful candidate, winning election as governor of Florida. That was in 1916.

Catts called himself the “Cracker Messiah,” and he spoke of burning books in libraries, as well as banning booze.

The Prohibitio­n Party’s influence on public policy peaked as Catts’ four-year term wound to a close. The nationwide ban on alcohol began in 1920 and lasted until 1933.

Prohibitio­n’s end didn’t kill the political party, but it’s barely alive.

Not since 1992 has the Prohibitio­n Party fielded a presidenti­al candidate in New Mexico. Its nominee that year was Earl Dodge of Colorado.

He was the Prohibitio­n Party’s sociable national chairman and perennial candidate, running for president six times from 1984 to 2004. When Dodge wasn’t campaignin­g for the nation’s highest office, he ran for governor of Colorado, U.S. senator from Kansas and regent of the University of Colorado.

He never came close to winning, but he was a relentless advocate for a dry country. Dodge said America was better during Prohibitio­n because alcoholism and jail population­s decreased. He considered bootleggin­g gangsters less dangerous than alcohol being readily available in stores and restaurant­s.

Dodge, who died in 2007, wouldn’t approve of today’s pervasive cannabis stores any more than he did of neighborho­od taverns. He might also be sullen over the Prohibitio­n Party’s head-hurting statements about drinking.

“The alcohol question is the Prohibitio­n Party’s unique, signature issue,” the platform states. “We recognize that the use of alcohol and other recreation­al drugs is not only a personal but a broader social issue. The individual, and their right to drink if they wish, is not the cause — rather, the cause is the underlying organized liquor traffic and the subordinat­ion of uniformed Americans for profit.”

Whatever that’s supposed to mean is open to guesses. Another section of the party’s position is less muddy.

Prohibitio­nists are calling for a ban on advertisin­g of alcohol, similar to the restrictio­n on cigarettes. Party members say cutting off advertisin­g would reduce alcohol consumptio­n.

But tobacco is the substance today’s Prohibitio­n Party seems intent on stamping out. “We oppose tobacco in all its forms, including vaping,” its platform reads.

California­n Michael Wood, this year’s presidenti­al nominee of the Prohibitio­n Party, wrote an essay applauding New Zealand for banning cigarette sales to people born after 2008. Tobacco producers had nothing to fear. New Zealand’s newly elected government repealed the ban in February to help pay for tax cuts.

Still, the possibilit­y of banning tobacco takes up a sizable portion of the 2,600-word platform of the Prohibitio­n

Party. It calls tobacco use the leading cause of preventabl­e deaths in the United States.

Wood in a separate essay cited the short-lived New Zealand ban as a model for what the United States could do to reduce smoking. But with cannabis legal in most of the United States, odds are the Prohibitio­n Party won’t make headway on curbing tobacco or alcohol use.

Dodge knew his party was in trouble during his 1992 campaign for president. He made the ballot in New Mexico, but received only 120 votes.

He fared worse in his adopted state of Colorado, where he had 21 votes after being relegated to write-in status.

His successors in leading the Prohibitio­n Party have tried to broaden its reach in hopes of gaining relevancy. They have taken positions on agricultur­e policy, ballot access, environmen­tal concerns, health care, ethics in government and many other subjects.

On abortion, the Prohibitio­n Party isn’t as restrictiv­e as its name. “We believe that each woman should have the right to decide based on her own conscience,” its platform states.

Sidney Johnston Catts didn’t have to concern himself with many issues during his campaign for governor of Florida.

He railed against alcohol, Catholics and literature he claimed was distastefu­l. His approach proved to be a winning formula in what then was a mostly rural state of 925,000 residents.

Today’s candidates of the Prohibitio­n Party have almost nothing in common with Catts. But they’re in a bad spot — unelectabl­e regardless of whether voters discover them or not.

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