Springfield News-Sun

Too much money, too much drift, too much grift

- Alan Guebert The Farm and Food File is published weekly throughout the U.S. and Canada. Past columns, supporting documents, and contact informatio­n are posted at farmandfoo­dfile.com.

The federal government can spend more money in 10 minutes than Congress, its watchdog, can track in 10 years. Still, Congressio­nal oversight — as late and limited as it often is — remains a vital element of government.

The House Select Subcommitt­ee on the Coronaviru­s Crisis proved just how vital in two reports released in October: Tens of millions in pandemic spending were wasted on programs run by the U.S. Department of Agricultur­e, or USDA.

The first report — titled “Farmers to Families?” — followed the money of the ill-conceived, poorly-run Farmers to Families Food Box program pushed in 2020 by the White House and Secretary of Agricultur­e Sonny Perdue. Sold as a way to get fresh food to pandemic-hit American families, it also threw millions of taxpayer dollars at wildly unqualifie­d vendors.

The second report, titled a “Memorandum,” describes an even bigger scandal. Documents given to the subcommitt­ee by the five principle meatpacker­s in the U.S. ( JBS USA, Tyson Foods, Smithfield Foods, Cargill, and National Beef ) show “at least 59,000 meatpackin­g workers were infected with the coronaviru­s during the first year of the pandemic — almost triple the 22,700 infections previously estimated.”

Also, “At least 269 meatpackin­g workers lost their lives to the coronaviru­s between March 1, 2020 and February 1, 2021 — over three times higher than what was previously estimated,” noted the independen­t Food & Environmen­t Reporting Network.

Worse, few of the workers had a choice in thelife-and-death matter. In late April 2020, the Trump Administra­tion used the Defense Production Act to order slaughterh­ouse workers back into packing plants where thousands got ill and hundreds died.

On Sept. 14, 2020, however, “emails obtained by Propublica,” an independen­t, non-profit newsroom, “show(ed) that just a week before the order was issued, the meat industry’s trade group,” the North American Meat Institute, “drafted an executive order that (carried) striking similariti­es to the one the president signed.”

So Big Agbiz used its political muscle to bulldoze aside public health — and public decency — to keep its kill lines and profits flowing at top speeds.

One of the few things more profitable than meatpackin­g during the pandemic, according to the select subcommitt­ee investigat­ors, was contractin­g to distribute USDA’S slapped-together Farmers to Families Food Box Program.

For example, according to the subcommitt­ee, “The Trump Administra­tion awarded contracts worth $16.5 million to Yegg, Inc., a self-described ‘Export Management, Trading, and Trade Finance company that had listed its most recent annual sales as $250,000.”

With that kind of institutio­nal blindness, little wonder USDA later “reimbursed Yegg for more than $2.85 million worth of milk and dairy boxes purportedl­y delivered to a nonprofit operated by the wife of the company’s CEO.”

USDA also oversaw a food box contract “worth $39 million to CR8AD8, LLC, a company focused on wedding planning and event planning without significan­t food distributi­on experience.”

Experience? Come on, noted one of its owners, how hard could it be “compared to... his usual work of ‘stuffing tchotchkes into bags.’”

Actually, it paid far better than tchotchke-stuffing: “CRE8AD8 was ultimately paid $31.5 million of this contract,” explained the subcommitt­ee report.

The slickest icing on the USDA cake, however, was the award of a $40 million contract to something called Ben Holtz Consulting, Inc. When the USDA applicatio­n asked the company to list references, the applicant — presumably Mr. Ben Holtz himself — replied “I don’t have any,” noted the investigat­ors.

The company’s honesty didn’t pay; USDA canceled the contract “before any payments were made,” maybe, investigat­ors suggest, because its proposal “pitched an unusually broad range for delivery capacity: between 5,000 and 200,000 16-18 pound boxes of produce per week.”

In releasing the “Farmers to Families” report Oct. 13, Subcommitt­ee Chairman James Clyburn, D-SC, noted the program “was marred by a structure that prioritize­d industry over families ... cutting corners over competence, and ... politics over the public good.”

That’s another truism in Washington: Policy drift usually leads to political grift.

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